No Longer Missing: The Survival of Lt. JG William Robert Maxwell, United States Navy Fighter Squadron VF-11, May 2, 1943 – “A Castaway’s Diary”

“Just before sundown, rain began falling, the wind became stronger, and the waves got higher and higher.  There wasn’t much I could do – I was still weak and not a little scared.  About all I did was to throw out my sea anchor – a small rubber bracket on a 7-foot line – and cover myself with my sail.  Rain fell in torrents and the wind blew all night.  I bailed out water six or seven times during the night with the small cup that the pump fits in and also with my sponge rubber cushion, but there were always 2 or 3 inches of water in the bottom.  The rest of the time, I just huddled under my sail.”

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The posts about the survival and return of Lieutenants Johnson and Landers pertaining to events in 1942, this post focuses on the experiences of Navy Lt. JG William Robert Maxwell in mid-1943.  A member of Navy Fighter Squadron VF-11, Maxwell was not shot down in aerial combat, per se, albeit he was forced to parachute during a combat mission.  This occurred on May 2, 1943, during his squadron’s first week of combat operations, when, while escorting a strike to Munda, his F4F Wildcat’s tail was sliced off by his wingman as the latter was switching fuel tanks.  Successfully parachuting from his fighter, Maxwell took to his life raft, in time successively reaching the islands of Vangunu, Tetepare (Tetepari) and Rendova, being rescued from the latter on May 17. 

While one commonality among the experiences of these three aviators is that they saved themselves by parachuting from their planes (rather than belly-landing or ditching their aircraft), another, more critical element, with I think greater relevance to survival and evasion – notably with Johnson and Maxwell – is that the very circumstances of their predicaments forced them to be self-reliant during much (Maxwell), or all (Johnson), of the time until their rescue.  (Landers didn’t have that problem, meeting native tribesmen very soon after landing!)  On the other hand, a central difference between the Army Air Force pilots and Maxwell is that a life raft was absolutely central to the latter’s survival – at sea.  Landing on land, neither Johnson nor Landers had no such problem.  (Well, Johnson had other problems!)          

Some time after his return, Maxwell wrote a detailed account of his experiences and survival, which was published in Intelligence Bulletin of December, 1943 (available at Archive.org).  As you can read below, where I’ve presented the article verbatim, Maxwell’s account has absolutely no identifying information (well, it was the middle of the war!) except for the calendar dates, and particularly, the first date – May 2 – when he was shot down.  Using this information, DuckDuckGo, and various websites (like Aviation Archeology) I was able to “pin down” the initially anonymous pilot’s name, identity his Squadron, and determine the Bureau Number of his F4F.  That led to Tillman and van der Lugt’s VF-11/111 ‘Sundowners’ 1942–95, which tied all the pieces together, the details matching the account in Intelligence Bulletin.  

Digressing…  Like many “things” one discovers while doing historical research, I found this article, and the journal itself, purely by chance: While researching a post covering a subject vastly different from WW II (albeit quite military in nature) … and then some!  Space Warfare, as described and conjectured in Astounding Science Fiction, in 1939

So, it would seem that researching fiction led to fact. 

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William Robert Maxwell later in WW II, probably while serving with VF-51.

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This is the relevant passage excerpt from Tillman and van der Lugt’s VF-11/111 ‘Sundowners’ 1942–95:

On 25 April 1943, after six weeks in the Fijian islands, CAG-11 departed for Guadalcanal.  White, Cady and Vogel each led one of VF-11’s three elements to their destination, with TBFs providing navigation lead on the 600-mile flight.  The Wildcats made the 4.5-hour flight to Espiritu Santo that day and logged another 4.3 the next, arriving at ‘The Canal’ on Monday the 26th with 34 aircraft.  Two had been delayed en route with mechanical problems, but both shortly rejoined the squadron.  ‘Fighting 11’ settled down at the Lunga Point strip better known as ‘Fighter One’, while Cdr Hamilton’s other three squadrons were based at nearby Henderson Field.  The ground echelon had previously arrived by ship or transport aeroplane and established a tent camp in what intelligence officer Lt Donald Meyer called ‘a delightful oasis of mud and mosquitoes in a coconut grove’. 

The next day VF-11 was briefed by Col Sam Moore, the colourful, swashbuckling Marine fighter commander.  The ‘Sundowners’ were to fly under the tactical control of the US Marine Corps, as the leathernecks had been operating from the island for the past eight months.  Later that morning (the 27th), VF-11’s first patrol from ‘Cactus’ was flown by Lt Cdr Vogel and Lt(jg)s Robert N Flath, William R Maxwell, and Cyrus G Cary.  It was a local flight with nothing to report, but two days later Lt Cdr White led two divisions on an escort to Munda.  The only enemy opposition was anti-aircraft (AA) fire.  Throughout the combat tour VF-11 was blessed with exceptional maintenance.  Prior to any losses, the unit maintained an average 37 of 41 available aircraft fully operational for an initial complement of 38 pilots.  The 90 percent readiness rate was partly due to the Wildcat’s relative simplicity, but it was also a tribute to Frank Quady’s maintenance crew.  The ‘Sundowners’’ mechanics certainly deserved their reputation, as they literally built an extra fighter from the ground up.  Using portions of three or four Marine wrecks, the sailors assembled another F4F-4 which they assigned the BuAer number 11!

At the end of the first week (Sunday, 2 May) VF-11 suffered its first loss.  Sixteen ‘Sundowners’ were escorting a strike to Munda when, south of Vangunu, at 14,000 ft the ‘exec’, Sully Vogel, ran one of his fuel tanks dry and lost altitude while switching tanks.  His element leader, Bob Maxwell, moved to port to regain sight of Vogel and the two Wildcats collided.  Vogel’s propeller sliced off the last six feet of Maxwell’s fuselage (BuNo 11757), the F4F nosing up in a half loop and then falling away in a flat spin.  Maxwell managed to bail out and opened his parachute, but the other Wildcats had to continue the mission.  At 1700 hrs the returning pilots spotted Maxwell in his life raft and reported his position, although it was too late to summon help.  Vogel had aborted the mission, returning with a smashed canopy and rubber marks on one wing from Maxwell’s tyres.  ‘Maxie’ was nowhere to be seen the next morning, and he remained missing for a full two weeks until a PBY Catalina brought him back to Guadalcanal on 18 May after a harrowing, but safe, 16 days in enemy-occupied territory.  The intrepid South Carolinian had sailed his raft to Tetipari, arriving on the 5th.  He walked the length of the island in seven days, encountering a crocodile that claimed dominion over a channel on a coral beach, but otherwise Maxwell met no opposition.  On the 13th he launched his raft for Rendova, where he knew he might contact an Australian coast watcher.  He was met by friendly natives who took him to safety near Segi Lagoon on the 17th. 

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This Oogle Map shows the Solomon Islands.  Vangunu, Tetepare (Tetipari), and Rendova are situated in the “center”, as it were, of the archipelago.  

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Here’s a closer Oogle Map view of Vangunu, Tetepare (Tetipari), and Rendova. 

 

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Finally, an air photo / satellite view of the same three islands.  (This image is from Duck Duck Go, not Oogle.)    

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Also from Tillman and van der Lugt’s VF-11/111 ‘Sundowners’ 1942–95:

Maxwell’s fifth mission had been his last with VF-11, for he was flown to New Zealand, where he spent the next spent two months in hospital, recuperating from his adventure.  Subsequently he joined VF-51, becoming the squadron’s only ace aboard USS San Jacinto (CVL-30) in 1944.

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The original source of Maxwell’s report:  Intelligence Bulletin for December, 1943, from Archive.org.

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And so, here’s Robert Maxwell’s report…

Section III.  A CASTAWAY’S DIARY

1. INTRODUCTION

A U.S. aviator, forced to parachute from his plane in the South Pacific, spent two trying weeks on the sea and on practically uninhabited islands before he was rescued.  He kept a day-by-day account of his experiences, relating how he utilized his equipment, the mistakes he made, and how he obtained food and water.

A condensed version of this pilot’s diary is presented below.  In addition to being interesting, his story is believed to contain lessons which will be profitable for other members of our armed forces.  It is considered that the safe return of this pilot to his squadron should be attributed to his resourcefulness and the intelligent use he made of his equipment.  The fact that he knew where he was and where he wanted to go, and knew how to go about getting there saved him from a great deal of futile wandering and mental distress.

The names of persons and places have been omitted from the story.

2. THE DIARY

May 2 [1943]

The opening of the ‘chute snapped me up short, and I was able to look around and see my plane falling in two pieces – the tail section and about 6 feet of fuselage were drifting crazily downward and the forepart was fluttering down like a leaf.  I tried to ease the pressure of the leg straps on my thighs by pulling myself up to sit on the straps, but was unable to do so because of the weight and bulk of my life raft and cushions.  As a result, my thighs were considerably chafed.

I was so busy looking around that I didn’t notice how fast I was descending, and before I knew it I had hit the water.  The wind billowed the ‘chute out as I went under, and I was able to unfasten my chest strap and left leg strap at once; unfastening the right strap took about 45 seconds, and I held on to the straps as I was pulled along under water by the ‘chute.  I couldn’t understand why I didn’t come to the surface – then I remembered that I hadn’t pulled the CO2 (carbon dioxide) strings of my life jacket.  As soon as I had done this, my belt inflated and I came to the surface.  I immediately slipped my life raft off the leg straps, ripped off the cover, and inflated it.

During my descent I had hooked an arm through my back pack strap so as not to lose it, but during the time I was struggling under water it must have come off because, when I came up, I saw it floating about 20 feet away.  I paddled over and picked it up, along with two cushions – one of which was merely a piece of sponge rubber, 15 inches square and 2 inches thick.

After I got into the boat, I took the mirror from the back pack and discovered a deep gash, about 14 inches long, on my chin and another deep gash, about 3 inches long, on my right shin.  I took out my first-aid kit, examined the contents, and read the instructions.  I found that there was no adhesive tape in the kit – apparently it had not been replaced when the kit was checked on the ship coming down from Pearl Harbor.  I sprinkled sulfanilamide powder on both wounds and put one of the two compress bandages on my leg.  I haven’t any idea how I got either one of these cuts.  During this time I was having brief spells of nausea, but did not vomit.  However, in a short while I had a sudden bowel movement, probably as a reaction from the shock and excitement.  I felt very weak and dizzy.

I began to take stock of my equipment and to figure out where I was by consulting the strip map which I had in my pocket.  My chief aim was to reach the nearest land.

As I sat in the boat, still dazed and faint, I realized that, with the distance and prevailing northeast wind, I had little chance of making one of the larger islands.  As nearly as I could figure out, I was about 10 miles east of a small island and about 10 or 15 miles south of another.  Beyond reaching land I hadn’t formulated any plans except to reach land.

About 50 minutes after I had crashed, I saw a friendly fighter coming toward me from the west, about 50 feet off the water.  I immediately grabbed my mirror and tried to flash the plane.  The pilot wobbled the plane’s wings, came in, and circled, and I saw that it was my wing man.  Five other fighters came down and circled, apparently trying to get a fix on me, and I waved to them.

Soon they went off toward the cast, and I noticed to my consternation that dark cumulus thunderhead clouds were moving in quickly from the northeast and that the sea was getting quite rough.  I realized that no planes would come out for me then because of the approaching dusk.  Just before sundown, rain began falling, the wind became stronger, and the waves got higher and higher.  There wasn’t much I could do – I was still weak and not a little scared.  About all I did was to throw out my sea anchor – a small rubber bracket on a 7-foot line – and cover myself with my sail.  Rain fell in torrents and the wind blew all night.  I bailed out water six or seven times during the night with the small cup that the pump fits in and also with my sponge rubber cushion, but there were always 2 or 3 inches of water in the bottom.  The rest of the time, I just huddled under my sail.

May 3

The rain stopped about daybreak, but the sky was cloudy and the sea still choppy.  Off to the east I saw what appeared to be two friendly fighters in the distance, but I knew they wouldn’t see me.  As day approached, I saw that I had been blown about 10 miles south of the center of the island I was making for.  The, wind was still from the northeast and I knew I would have to paddle like the devil even to hold my own and not be blown farther out to sea.  I broke out one of my six chocolate bars and ate part of it, but I wasn’t hungry.  I also took a swallow out of my canteen, but I wasn’t particularly thirsty.  All day long I rowed with my hand paddles, sitting backward in the raft.  By 1600 my forearms were raw and chafed from rubbing against the sides of the raft.  I had stopped paddling only two or three times during the day, to eat a bite of chocolate and take a swallow of water.  Rain began falling about 1600, and I hit a new low point of discouragement when I realized that I had apparently made no headway at all during the day.

After night fell, the rain continued in intermittent showers until dawn.  The sea was still rough and the wind was from the northeast.  I tried to continue paddling, but a large fish hit my hand – I don’t know what kind it was – in fact, I didn’t even see it, but the experience dissuaded me from rowing any more in the dark.  I threw out my sea anchor again – this time with the two cushions tied on the line for additional weight – and huddled under my sail for the rest of the night.  I don’t recall that I slept this night, or any night before I got to shore – I just seemed to lie in a sort of coma.

May 4

When the sun came up, I found that I was south of the west end of the island and about two miles farther out than I had been the previous morning.  I broke out another chocolate bar for “breakfast,” drank a little water, and began to paddle again.  Some time during the day I got the idea of getting in the water and swimming along with the raft.  The only result of this maneuver was that I lost one of my hand paddles, and I went back to paddling with the remaining paddle and my bare hand.

The results of my continuous paddling were more heartening this day, and by about 1500 I realized that I had covered quite a little distance.  Just about this time, however, a big storm came from the northwest, and it began to rain again.  Again I put out my sea anchor with the cushions tied to it, and settled down under my sail.  It rained off and on all night with a northwest wind.  Although I was never very thirsty, I would catch rain on my sail and funnel it into the pump cup, drink some of it, and use the rest to keep my canteen filled.  Before the storm came that afternoon, the sun had been quite hot and I had kept my head covered with my sail and applied zinc oxide to my face.  Earlier that day I had seen four friendly fighters, going west along the south shore of this island.  I also saw a friendly patrol plane which passed over early every morning and late every evening, but because the sun was so far down each time, I was never able to signal with my mirror.

May 5

At daybreak I saw that I had drifted to a point about 6 miles south of the east end of the island.  I had another chocolate bar for breakfast and a little water, and I was considerably encouraged when I found that the wind was blowing from the southeast.  This meant that I had a very good chance of reaching the island, so I pulled in my sea anchor and began paddling.  Some time during the morning my remaining hand paddle slipped off in the water and, forgetting that I had my life belt inflated, I jumped overboard to retrieve it.  Of course, I couldn’t get under the surface and soon gave up.

I stopped paddling only to take an occasional swallow of water, and about 1800 I came close to the shore.  The surf didn’t look too bad.  I headed right in – a mistake, as it turned out, for as soon as I got in closer I found that the waves were at least 50 feet high (*), the highest surf I’ve ever seen.  About this time a big one broke.in front of me.  It was too late to turn back.  I felt as if I were 50 feet in the air when it broke, and all I could see in front of me was the jagged coral of the beach.  I tried to beat the next one in, but it caught me just after it broke and tossed me end-over-the-kettle into the coral.

Fortunately, I missed hitting the sharpest coral and received only a few cuts on my hands.  My boat landed about 50 feet away in a sort of channel leading into the beach.  I tried to stand up and found that I couldn’t walk.  Finally, I crawled over to the little channel, got my boat, and dragged it up on a small sandy beach.  Since I had tied my belongings rather securely to the raft, the only items that were missing were the pump, the two cushions, and the can of sea marker.  I was very tired and very weak; I turned my raft upside down and lay on it, with my sail over me, trying to sleep, but apparently I was too tired to sleep – I think I only dozed for periods of a few minutes at the most.

May 6

At dawn I began to look for coconuts on the ground and found one mature nut under a tree.  The tree was about 25 feet high, and I immediately set to thinking how I could get more of the nuts off it.  I was, of course, too weak to climb and I thought of cutting notches in the tree.  It was hopeless, and I opened the one coconut.  The seed had already sprouted and there wasn’t much milk in it; since I wasn’t hungry, I ate only a little of the meat.

Instead, I had my usual “breakfast” of a chocolate bar, laid out my things to dry, cleaned my knife and gun as best I could, and rested some more.  Although my .45 had been wet almost constantly and was quite rusty, the moving parts worked all right after I had applied more oil to them.

Then I started out to find some pandanus nuts, having read and reread my guidebook.  I found a few, but they were so high I couldn’t get to them.  In the afternoon I sorted my equipment and rested.  By this time I had decided to try reaching the western end of the island.  I wasn’t sure whether there were any Japs or natives on the island, but thought I might at least run into some natives.

During the day I ran across a crocodile in a channel in the coral beach, but we parted company at once, without incident.  Toward evening, rain threatened.  I made a coconut cup, imbedded it in the sand, and rigged my sail around it so that it would catch water and funnel it into the cup through a small hole in the sail.  The rain began when it got dark.  I settled myself on the ground under a tree and pulled my rubber boat over me for shelter.

May 7

In the morning I worked out a plan for getting some coconuts.  I cut several notches in the trunk of the tree and then made a sort of rope ladder with my sea anchor line, placed this around the trunk so that it would slip, and pushed it up as far as I could.  Climbing up by these means, I was able to reach and twist off two coconuts.  This was pretty exhausting work, so I rested for a while and then filled my canteen with the rain water that had accumulated in the coconut cup.  I drank the milk from the coconut and ate a little of the soft meat, but still I was not very hungry.  My store of chocolate bars was down to two, so I decided to conserve them.

I then packed all my gear in my back pack, rolled up my life raft, and set out to walk along the coast to the west end of the island.  There was a 100-yard stretch of coral between the water and the beach, and it was not bad walking.  Naturally, I was glad I hadn’t discarded by shoes in the water.  Several times I came to channels in the coral, usually at the mouths of small streams, and then I would have to blow up my life belt and swim across.  At one such “place I saw more fish and tried to catch one with my fishing line and pork-rind bait, but the fish declined to bite.

Late in the day I came to a sandy beach, along which I walked until it was dark.  Then I made a crude lean-to of palm fronds against a tree trunk, blew up my life raft, and settled down on it with my sail as a cover.  I smeared zinc oxide on my face – I put either zinc oxide or vaseline on my face each morning and night for protection against sunburn, and also periodically put vaseline on the gash on my shin and on my hands, which were cracked from the salt water.  The sulfanilamide powder was rather water-soaked, so I used vaseline instead.  Aside from a daily quinine pill, that was the extent of my doctoring.  Fortunately, the gash on my chin had closed pretty well.

That night I woke up from one of my periods of dozing to find that the tide had come in.  I scrambled around, moving my gear to a dry spot, and discovered that the tide had carried away my sail and my shoulder holster.  Luckily, I had my .45 close to my side, but one of the two clips in the holster contained all my tracer bullets.

May 8

In the morning, after I had eaten half of my remaining chocolate bar, I started walking again.  Most of the time I walked in the water up to my knees.  Soon the coral ledge ended and I had to strike inland because I couldn’t get through the immense surf that was washing against the high rock and coral of the shore.  I would go inland a little way, parallel the coast by clambering up and down the ridges, and then go back to the shore to see if I could make my way along it.  During the day I saw two more crocodiles in a small lagoon and my only snake, a small blue snake about 1 1/2 feet long with a flat tail.  During the day I found several coconuts along the beach and on the ground, and I drank the milk.  As dusk came on, I was inland, climbing one of the ridges.  It began to rain.  I put my life jacket and back pack on the ground, under a log, and lay on my deflated life raft.  It rained all night, and by morning I was lying in mud.

May 9

During the morning I crossed more ridges, which ran down to the shore from the central range.  This was pretty tiring – mostly I would zigzag up them, and then slip and slide down.  I was always hopeful that I would be able to make my way along the coast, but this was impossible.  During the day I ate some fern leaves and the remainder of my last chocolate bar.  At dusk I came down to the coast to see whether I had rounded a particular rocky point.  I found that I hadn’t, and decided to spend the night in a small cave in the coral, which was about 100 feet above and 150 feet back from the water.  I slept on my back pack and life jacket and used my deflated raft as a cover.  After sleeping spasmodically, I was awakened at dawn by a wave breaking at the entrance to the cave.

May 10

In the morning, rain was falling and the wind was blowing; I could make little headway over the rocks and coral so I took to the ridges again.  I ate some ferns, and about 1450 I came onto the shore where there was a good sandy beach.  The hills were smaller, and there was a grove of coconut palms.  I was near the end of the island and could see the next one about 2 or 3 miles across the channel.  In the shallow water I found two small crabs and about eight mussels.  I ate the crabs raw, and, putting the mussels in my pocket, headed for a small bay.  It was a fine afternoon and I built a lean-to of sticks and palm fronds and blew up my raft.  I then tried some of the mussels and found that they were rather unpleasantly slimy.  When I ate the rest the next day, I washed them first and they tasted pretty good.   It rained that night, and since my lean-to did not prove to be as water-proof as I had expected, I got under my boat.

May 11

The next morning I rested, and ate the meat and drank the milk of a few coconuts.  I decided not to build a fire because of the possibility of attracting Japs, but to get to the next island and try to make contact with the natives.  I filled my canteen from a stream.  Late in the afternoon a number of friendly bombers and fighters came over going west and soon returned.  Both times I used my mirror to try to attract their attention.  I was quite weak and tired, but built a new and better lean-to.  That night I dozed fitfully and the mosquitoes were quite annoying.  The only other noteworthy incident that day was my first bowel movement since the one immediately after parachuting into the sea.

May 12

In the morning I washed my clothes and set about making some oars.  I found two small pieces of lumber with a few nails and a screw in them, and, using the nails and a screw, I attached two sticks to the pieces of lumber to make a serviceable pair of oars.  Then I ran my sea anchor line around my boat through the rings, and attached to it another piece of rope that I had found.  I made two loops in the rope for oar locks.  By looping the rope around my feet I could get leverage for rowing.  I used some sponge rubber from my back pack to make pads for oars.  I slit my back pack and inserted a couple of sticks; this provided me with a sail.  When I had completed my preparations in the evening, I gave my craft a brief shake-down cruise, dined on coconuts, and went to sleep.1

May 13

With the meat of two coconuts and my canteen of water as provisions, I set out early in the morning on my voyage to the next island.  I went out to sea through a break in the reef and soon found that, although my course was due west, I was heading northwest.  This was due to a north-northeast wind, and I rowed constantly because of the possibility of being blown south Of the hook of the island.  About noon I headed into a sandy beach on the south shore of the hook and again found to my dismay that I had underestimated the size of the surf.  The waves caught me and tossed me onto a fairly smooth coral ledge.  I was under water for what seemed a very long time – actually about 45 seconds – but managed to hold onto my boat.  As I struggled to my feet I heard someone shouting and was overjoyed to see two natives in a canoe about 50 yards off shore waving to me.

I got into the canoe with all my gear except the back-pack cover and we started east to the south shore of the point, where we met two more natives in another canoe and put into the beach.  The natives brought some water and a taro from a hut.  After a while we started around the point and along the shore.  The natives asked me if I were thirsty, and when I said that I was, we again put into the beach and went into another hut, where I saw a collapsible Japanese boat.  One of the natives climbed a 50-foot coconut palm and brought me some coconuts.

Finally we pushed on to a village about halfway up the coast.  There I was greeted by the chief.  After being given pineapple and taro, I was taken to another hut where it was indicated that I was to sleep.  I was given a corner of a low platform, a clean bamboo mat, and a pillow and blanket.  After eating more pineapple and taro, I talked mostly with the chief’s son, who had been to a mission school and was quite interested in America.  After dark we all went to sleep.

Traveling from island to island for three days, the natives managed to get me to the U.S. outpost, where I was picked up and carried back to my organization.

(*) This height, estimated by the writer, is believed to be excessive.

References

Intelligence Bulletin, V II N 4, December, 1943, Military Intelligence Division, War Department, Washington, D.C.

Tillman, Barret; van der Lugt, Henk; Holmes, Tony, VF-11/111 ‘Sundowners’ 1942–95 – Aviation Elite Units 36, Osprey Publishing Company, London, England, 2012

No Longer Missing: The Survival of Second Lieutenant Clarence T. Johnson, Jr., 7th Fighter Squadron, 9th Fighter Group, June 15, 1942

“Finally the boat stopped and was quiet for a time, but I continued calling until I heard answering voices.  I thought them to be a group of soldiers out for an outing trip just for the fun of it.  The finally found me, however, and got me down out of the tree; it was then I learned they were a searching party looking for me, and they had searched for two days.  They later told me that they had no idea I was there and did not hear my calls until the motor had stopped.  Jack Murray had the black Abo trackers with him and one of them wanted to stop and take a look at the shore at this point.  Jack Murray did not want to stop but the Abo insisted so he pulled up to shore just to please the Abo.  It was then they heard my yells for the first time.  It seemed almost as if the Abo had had some sort of premonition of my being there and would not go on without first investigating.” 

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Paralleling the previous account of the shoot-down, survival, and return of Lieutenant John D. Landers, “this” post focuses on the survival of another 9th Fighter Squadron pilot whose story is related in Steve W. Ferguson and William K. Pasaclis’ Protect & Avenge: the 49th Fighter Group in World War II: First Lieutenant Clarence T. Johnson, Jr.  

Johnson’s survival and rescue occurred half a year earlier than that of Landers:  On June 15, 1942, during the 7th Fighter Squadron’s engagement with Zero fighters while intercepting G4M bombers over the Cox Peninsula, in Australia’s Northern Territory.  Akin to the account of Landers in Protect & Avenge, Johnson’s bail-out and survival comprise four sentences of text.  But, the full story of his survival, recorded in the historical records of the 7th Fighter Squadron – below – is at once dramatic, compelling, and powerful, given the starkly remote nature of the area where he landed by parachute, which in some ways seems as inhospitable – if not moreso? – than that of New Guinea.  And, on an intangible level, his survival was attributable to an element of chance – and much more than chance alone – for he was ultimately returned back to the land of the living due to the intuition of a native Aboriginal tracker.

So, akin to the post about Landers, this post includes Ferguson and Pascalis’ account of the December 26, combat, below, followed by a verbatim transcript of Landers’ own story, from AFHRA Microfilm Reel AO 720.  The post also includes an image from Protect & Avenge, and some maps from our lord and master (we love  oligarchy!) Oogle. 

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THE THIRD RAID; JUNE 15th

The raiders repeated the same tactics with 21 fighters preceding 27 high flying bombers on the next day.  Of the 28 Warhawks that went aloft, the 8th Squadron was again unable to break through the escorts and could not hit the bombers in the initial contact over Beagle Gulf.  The 9th and 7th Squadrons again were heavily engaged.

The 9th FS was routinely up above Darwin proper with 2 Lts. George “Red” Manning leading the flight of wingmen Tom Fowler, Clay Peterson and “crocodile bait” Bob McComsey who had only recently returned to flight status.  Red Manning was a short, sandy-haired German-American who loved to argue and set up a personal confrontation with an element of the 3rd Ku directly above the docks.  After wingman Fowler joined in the fray, and McComsey with wingman Peterson followed, three ZEROs reeled out of the fight.

The enemy bombers had reached the docks by this time, dropped their ordinance and set fire to some of the nearby buildings.  Even the convalescing Van Auken and his attending physician were forced to seek refuge beneath the Major’s hospital bed as bombs struck near the Kahlin dispensary.  As the raiders turned west and began to accelerate in a descent over Cox Peninsula, they were met by the 7th Squadron.

The Screamin’ Demons were in two flights at 24,000 feet to ensure they would intercept the bomber formation which had been missed at their higher altitudes in the two previous raids.  With Blue Flight led by ace Ops Exec Hennon, and Red Flight led by Squadron Deputy CO Capt. Prentice, they dived to the left rear quarter attack on the G4M raiders, but only Hennon and wingman 2 Lt. C.T. Johnson closed to within firing range before the ZEROs intervened.  Johnson lost power momentarily and a ZERO quickly cut him off from his flight.  The 3rd Ku aviator riddled the sputtering Warhawk, and Johnson tried to escape in the stricken fighter, but the Allison engine caught fire.  He bailed out at nearly 18,000 feet over hazy Cox Peninsula (as of 2016, reportedly with a population of 15 people).

In the meantime, Red Flt Ldr Prentice and wingman 2 Lt. Claude Burtnette had engaged two escorts and both men opened fire, sending the ZEROs spinning down toward the Gulf.  Second Lt. Gil Portmore in the second Red element also fired a broad deflection volley at a third ZERO which plunged downward, but the Demons were quickly overwhelmed.  Red Flight was engaged by an enemy quartet and in the ensuing maneuvers, the Demon team split up.  After shaking a ZERO off his tail, Burtnette of Blue Flight set off alone after the escaping bombers beyond Cox Peninsula, but was attacked again off the west shore by a 3rd Ku escort whose 20mm cannon fire blew off the ammo bay panel from the top of his right wing.  He bailed out into the sea just west of Indian Island and floated in his Mae West vest while Capt. Hennon circled over his downed wingman until the ZEROs left the area.  Burtnette reached Quail Island over two hours later and was spotted by a pair of RAAF Wirraway patrol planes who radioed his location to the Navy.  The Australian lugger Kuru picked him up early the following morning from the north beach of Quail Island.

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(Johnson’s original account, from AFHRA Microfilm Reel AO 720)

REPORT OF LIEUT. JOHNSON
7TH Pursuit Squadron

Report of Lieutenant Clarence T. Johnson, Jr., 7th Pursuit Squadron, who parachuted from his plane following engagement with the enemy.  Lt. Johnson reports as follows:

We went up when the alert was sounded at about 11:45 a.m. June 15, and intercepted the enemy bombers at about 25,000 feet when they were heading away from where they had dropped their bombs.  I attacked a formation of bombers picking on one that was lagging behind, came right in on his tail and firing a burst into the rear of the ship.  The gunner was firing on me all the time and I evidently failed to hit anything as he kept us his fire.  I then heard bullets in my plane ripping up the canopy and I thought I had been jumped by Zeros, so I cut away quickly but could not see any Zeros.  I then made a deflection shot at another bomber in the middle of the formation and at that time my motor R.P.M. dropped off and then stopped completely smoke pouring out very badly.  I was ahead of bombers and dropped down trying to gain speed to come up under the belly of the bombers, got the nose up and took a long shot at them but did nothing.  I tried to head my plane back to the field, but the haze was so bad from forest fires etc., that I could not get directions just right.  I was calling in on my radio all the time telling them I was coming down and tried to stay with it as long as possible.  Evidently my canopy had been hit by bullets as there were holes ripped in it about six inches long.  I pulled the emergency release and it flew open.  I tried to get my canteen out but it was stuck in beside the seat and I could not get it loose before bailing out.  The flame was then coming from the plane so I rolled it on its back and fell out.  As I did so my leg hit the rudder or some other part.  I opened my ‘chute immediately my boots being jerked off at the same time.  I was at approximately 18,000 feet when I bailed out.  While coming down I took a piece of paper from my pocket and tried to map out the area I was going down in.  There had been several planes around up until this time but [I] did not see any after that.  I landed in a burned out area with numerous stumps and trees sticking up, and I was lucky not to land in one.  As I was coming down I thought I saw a stream of water about one and one half miles to the west, so I picked up and went in that direction and found a large spring in a clump of green trees, so I established camp there.

After resting a while I cut two panels out of my parachute and made ropes from the shroud lines and ripped up two white flags which I put in the top of the highest trees.  Then I spread my parachute on the ground and made myself a cup of hot chocolate with water from the spring.  I could not sleep until night and then I got up at about 3:30 or 4:00 o’clock in the morning with the intention of wandering toward the river which I thought I saw the day before.  When I was almost there I discovered that I had left my compass at the camp along with my other equipment and decided to return for it before it was too late.  I got lost and never found the camp.  I wandered around for several hours and finally about noon I came upon the river again.  I noticed the current flowing one way and thought it must be down stream, as I followed the river all that day and late into the night spending the remainder of the night on the banks.  Early the next morning I saw planes flying around from time to time but they did not see me and I had no way of signaling them, so there was nothing I could do.  I followed the river all the way and finally came upon the source of the stream instead of the mouth which I expected.  It was fed by [a] large fresh water spring.  I spent the night there.  I arose early in the morning with the intention of walking the length of the stream to the coast where I expected to find food stores.  I also thought of finding an Abo camp which I thought might be near, and where food etc., could be obtained.  As I walked down the river I swam from side to side so that I could not miss any camps or food stores which might be on either side.  Often I could not see the river for the dense undergrowth bushes which grew along the banks.  On the fourth night I was getting very hungry and weak as I had had absolutely no food since the first day.  When I bailed out of the plane there were four shells in my gun three of which I had shot.  I was saving the last one for myself.  I was in the water for about four hours trying to cut my way through the mangrove growth to get to the shore as I was positive the ocean was near.  Finally made my way through the swamp where the mud was waist deep and I picked out a good place to spend the night.  I was about to make camp when I heard what sounded like a motor boat gradually growing louder and louder.  I thought this must be my last chance, so I automatically climbed a tree, fired my .45 and began yelling, but the boat kept going and I kept telling.  Finally the boat stopped and was quiet for a time, but I continued calling until I heard answering voices.  I thought them to be a group of soldiers out for an outing trip just for the fun of it.  The finally found me, however, and got me down out of the tree; it was then I learned they were a searching party looking for me, and they had searched for two days.  They later told me that they had no idea I was there and did not hear my calls until the motor had stopped.  Jack Murray had the black Abo trackers with him and one of them wanted to stop and take a look at the shore at this point.  Jack Murray did not want to stop but the Abo insisted so he pulled up to shore just to please the Abo.  It was then they heard my yells for the first time.  It seemed almost as if the Abo had had some sort of premonition of my being there and would not go on without first investigating.  They made me some hot tea and heated me some stew – the first food I had eaten in four days.  I was then taken to an Abo camp which was about a half day’s journey arriving in the evening.  There was a government lugger across the bay where they took me for a good bed.  Sub Lieut. Secrest [sic] was in command and they fixed up my feet and gave me a good bed for the night.  The motor of the boat had gone out and they used sails to take us gradually toward Point Charles.  Late in the afternoon the wind gave out and the current was against us, so they radioed in for a tow.  They had also sent a message the evening before that I had been rescued.  At about 7:30 a boat came out and towed us in and I was taken to the Darwin Hospital where I spent the night.  I had gone five days without food of any kind – Monday noon to Saturday noon – when I was rescued.  I kept trace of time by making nicks in my ring with a finger nail file.

I would recommend that some sort of signaling equipment be provided all pilots such as a very pistol, flares, or some sort of rocket.  Also, in this section there always are fires burning, and if some sort of chemical could be had that would make a distinguishing colored smoke when placed in the fire, it would be easy to locate the lost pilot.  I also advise all pilots to wear some sort of strap-on boots that cannot be jerked off when the pilot bails out of his ship.  It is a good idea to wear coveralls as a protection for the legs and carry a gun and knife.  Never wander off unless you know exactly what you are doing and always carry compass.  Don’t throw away any equipment as you can make shoes out of parachute cover etc., and don’t cut the pants legs off.  Above all don’t get excited or hysterical; think things out reasonably; use your head; and don’t get discouraged and give up.  But don’t drive yourself and use all your energy in one day; conserve as much of your energy as you can.  A slow steady pace will make your energy last longer.

CLARENCE T. JOHNSON, Jr.
2nd Lt., Air Corps.

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A little over five months after Lt. Johnson’s rescue, the San Bernardino Sun published an article about his military service.  The article was found at the California Digital Newspaper Collection of the University of California at Riverside Center for Bibliographical Studies and Research.  

LT. JOHNSON, FIGHTING ARMY PILOT, HONORED

San Bernardino Sun
October 23, 1942

S.B. Youth Again Decorated for Valor in Action Against Japs in South Pacific

Lieut. Clarence T. Johnson Jr., son of Major and Mrs. C.T. Johnson of San Bernardino, again has been decorated for heroism while serving with the U.S. Army Air Force in Australia, according to word received in San Bernardino yesterday.

Previously he had been awarded the silver star for action near Darwin, Australia, June 13, and the purple heart for bravery in an aerial battle over Horn island March 14 in which he was wounded.

Lieutenant Johnson was awarded oak leaf dusters, his latest decoration, at Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s Headquarters.  The presentation was made by Major-Gen. George C. Kenney.

SHOOTS DOWN ZERO

The award was in recognition of two recent encounters with the enemy.  In the most recent action, Lieutenant Johnson was piloting a P-40 over Horn Island off northern Australia when he was Intercepted by a formation of Jap planes.

In a swift air battle, Lieutenant Johnson, succeeded in shooting down one zero fighter and then escaped without damage to his ship.

The silver star award was for his attack on 27 Jap bombers near Darwin.  The assault was so successful that three or four enemy planes were caught in bursts from his machine guns and disabled.  Lieutenant Johnson continued the attack after one motor of his ship [? – !] was disabled.  His plane burst into flames and he was forced to bail out.

LOST IN JUNGLE

Upon landing, he found himself in wild jungle and swamp, through which he had to make his way unaided for six days before reaching his base. 

His absence resulted in a report that he was “missing.” 

Major Johnson, former San Bernardino mayor, is now in charge of an army recreation camp at Brunswick, Ga.  Mrs. Johnson was executive secretary of the San Bernardino chapter of the Red Cross until she resigned a few months ago to join Major Johnson.

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“7th FS cadre veteran C.T. Johnson (left), red flight leader Frank Nichols and veteran A.T. House cited at 14 Mile Field immediately after their part in the Lae convoy strike on January 7th.”  (From Protect & Avenge)

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Australia! – care of Oogle maps.  The general location of the Cox Peninsula, in the Northern Territory, is indicated by the red oval.  

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Zooming in onto the Cox Peninsula, again denoted by a red oval.  Note the city of Darwin to the east, separated from the Cox Peninsula by the Beagle Gulf / Port Darwin / Fannie Bay.    

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This map, from Protect & Avenge, gives a general view of geographic features surrounding Darwin, with the locations of 49th Fighter Group aircraft losses – which specifically resulted in fatalities to pilots or personnel – denoted, for a total of ten such symbols.  Since Johnson survived, by definition there is no such symbol for his shoot-down.  

 

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Oogling in for a map view of the Cox Peninsula.  Though Darwin, the capital of Northern Australia, has appreciably grown since WW II (according to Wikipedia, the population is now over 147,000), note the barren appearance of the Cox Peninsula.  Other than Wagait Beach, there’s not much in the way of human habitation.   

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An equivalent air photo / satellite view of the above map.  

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The northern shore of the Cox Peninsula, showing the location of the Point Charles Lighthouse, mentioned in Johnson’s report.  The lighthouse faces the Beagle Gulf.    

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Zooming in even further, the lighthouse is in the center of this image.  

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And now for something completely different.  (Albeit unsurprising in the world of 2021.)  When I was putting together this post and perusing Oogle Maps / Oogle Street view, I couldn’t help but notice the presence of a McDonald’s Restaurant (on Bagot Road, in the Aboriginal Community of Bagot) in Darwin’s northern inner suburb of Ludmilla.  Something tells me that this street had a markedly different appearance back in 1942…  

References

Ferguson, Steve W. and Pascalis, William K., Protect & Avenge: the 49th Fighter Group in World War II, Schiffer Publishing, Atglen, Pa., 1996

Hess, William N., 49th Fighter Group: Aces of the Pacific, Osprey Publishing Company, London, England, 2014

AFHRA Microfilm Reel A0720, frames 1059 and 1060 (Johnson – 6/15/42)

Point Charles Lighthouse, at Geocaching Australia

Point Charles Lighthouse, at Wikipedia

No Longer Missing: The Survival of First Lieutenant John D. Landers, 7th Fighter Squadron, 9th Fighter Group, December 26, 1942

“Upon looking down I realized the ‘chute had opened just in time, because I was right in the tree tops, having bailed out at a very low altitude.  After landing in the trees which were about seventy-five to one hundred feet high I finally succeeded in cutting myself loose and scaled down three different vines before reaching the ground.  The jungle was so thick I could not even find my jungle pack which I had pitched from the tree.”

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A central, natural theme of the literature of military aviation – regardless of the era, geographic theater, or level of technology – has revolved around accounts of aerial combat, particularly between fighter planes.  However, even with the fascination inherent to such tales on historical, intellectual, and even emotional levels, they’re often characterized by a kind of…  Well, on a literary level … sense of “roteness” … to the point where an author could “swap out” opposing pilots aircraft types and nationalities; even change the very conflict in question, and create a tale having a similar – if not the same? – literary and emotional impact.    

However, in another respect, the literature of military aviation is often characterized by a theme of a different nature.  That lies not in stories about aerial victories, military awards, technology, camouflage and markings, and aircraft “nose art”, but instead in accounts about the survival of aviators who did not, n e c e s s a r i l y (!) emerge completely victorious – or victorious at all, in any way! – from engagements with an enemy.  Stories of endurance, perseverance, and survival in settings where climate, geography, remoteness from immediate aid, and sometimes a combination of injury and isolation render a downed pilots’ chance of survival problematic at best, and minimal at worst.  Of course, this doesn’t even begin to take account of the possibility of capture by enemy forces, let alone the sometimes much worse threat posed by enemy civilians…

Well, there are myriads upon myriads (upon many?!) such tales in the popular literature of military aviation, and in “this” post you’ll be able to read such an account: It’s the story of the shoot-down and survival of Lieutenant John D. Landers on December 26, 1942, during the 9th Fighter Squadron’s (49th Fighter Group’s) encounter with Ki 43 Oscars of the Japanese Army Air Force’s 11th Sentai over eastern New Guinea.  The story of this aerial engagement can be found in Steve W. Ferguson and William K. Pascalis’ Protect & Avenge: the 49th Fighter Group in World War II (1994), where Lander’s experiences – after bailing of his P-40 – comprise a single paragraph.  Having access to the original historical records of the 9th Fighter Squadron (in digital form, from the AFHRA), I was able to find the account composed by Landers himself, after his rescue and eventual return to the 9th Fighter Squadron.  

This is not at all meant as a criticism of Protect & Avenge, for this fine book (any substantive aviation history, really) would be both prohibitively lengthy and expensive were it to include each and every facet of information from historical records.  

The post includes Ferguson and Pascalis’ account of the December 26, combat (immediately below) followed by a verbatim transcript of Landers’ own story, from AFHRA Microfilm Reel AO 720.  Also included are images from Protect & Avenge, William N. Hess 49th Fighter Group: Aces of the Pacific, and some maps and air / satellite images showing New Guinea, zooming in on the location of Pongani village, which location is central to the story.

As for 1 Lt. Lieutenant John D. Landers himself?  He eventually rose to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, being credited with 14.5 aerial victories: six in the Pacific while serving in the 9th Fighter Squadron, and eight and a half in the European Theater while serving with the 38th, 357th, and 78th Fighter Squadrons, of the – respectively – 55th, 355th, and 82nd Fighter Groups of the 8th Air Force.  

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THE BEST VS. THE BEST; DECEMBER 26, 1942

As the 49ers shuttled men and planes at Moresby, the JAAF 11th Sentai began their active participation in the operations from Malahang strip, northeast of Lae Village.  After a number of small reconnaissance flights, the OSCARs flew a sweep in force to the south in the improved weather of mid-morning on December 26th.

Likewise, the second Warhawk patrol lifted off from the fields at Port Moresby between the intermittent rain showers and coasted over the Owen Stanley Mountains toward the Buna area.  Senior Lt. “Big John” Landers led a dozen Warhawks with White Flight at 14,000 feet, Blue Flight at 10,000 and Red Flight at 8,000, all meant to orbit over Buna.  Just as they arrived, the Dobodura air controller urgently called for fighter cover.  “ZEKEs” were strafing the landing area and attacking a flight of RAAF Hudson transports, one of which carried none other than Gen. Blarney, head of the Allied army in New Guinea.  Landers ordered “tanks off” and the Flying Knights peeled off for the interception.

The “ZEKEs,” of course, were the Lae OSCARs that had caught the Hudsons at low altitude.  As the OSCARs separated momentarily in their mad chase after the RAAF bombers, Landers’ Red and Blue Flights burst out of the hazy overcast and struck the enemy over Dobodura airfield.  The Knights latched onto their targets and a vicious dogfight raged from 5000 feet down to the tree tops.

Blue Flight engaged first as veteran element leader Jim “Duckbutt” Watkins and wingman Art Wenige held together to make two coordinated passes against the OSCARs.  Blue Leader Bill Levitan and wingman Bill Sells separated in the first hard turn, but they quickly bested a pair of enemy fighters beneath the hazy overcast.  Before the Blue quartet was forced to break off due to low ammo and fuel, Levitan, Sells, Watkins and Wenige each claimed to have destroyed one the assailants.  As for Red flight, things turned out differently for Darwin veteran John Landers.

In Red Flight’s attack descent through the broken overcast, Landers’ elements lost formation and remained dangerously separated throughout the fight.  In his first combat engagement, wingman 2 Lt. Bob McDaris claimed a “ZEKE” destroyed and another heavily damaged, but failed to relocate his flight leader.  “Mac” made a solo retreat for Moresby.  Likewise, 2 Lt  John “Baggie” Bagdasarian had chased an OSCAR off the tail of Blue Flight’s Watkins, but Baggie’s old stager could not stand the strain and he set the P-40E with its blown Allison engine down safely at Dobodura.

Landers, flying #75 THE REBEL (formerly CO Irvin’s old ship), plunged right into the midst of a regrouping flight of six OSCARs, and took them all on at once.  Big John’s wild aerobatics in the REBEL so startled his opponents that he bested two of them before the odds overcame him.  One of the sentai masters finally swung his nimble Ki-43 in behind Landers and the lone Knight could not shake free.  The REBEL was perforated by a long, accurate stream of 7mm tracers.

Landers broke down and away for the safety of the foothills to the south, but his pursuer riddled the REBEL again before he could drop behind the crest of the forested terrain.  Big John pulled back his canopy, stepped out on the wing and was swept off in the slipstream at 1000 feet of altitude.  He was jolted in the straps below the burst of his chute and fell into the dense forest due east of the coastal village of Pongani.

The hefty pilot survived a rough tumble through the limbs of a tall tree and came to rest in a dense thicket that took several hours to negotiate.  Once able to find better footing in a stream, after three days, Landers eventually waded to a small village not far from Pongani.  The tribal elder there graciously took a personal liking to the six foot, four inch “plenty whitey goodfella.”  They gave the blond giant food and shelter for the night, and on the next day, a native party escorted Landers down the trail to Pongani village.  Big John soon caught the next transport flight for Port Moresby.

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(Landers’ original account, from AFHRA Microfilm Reel AO 720)

Combat Report of 1st. Lieut. JOHN D. LANDERS, 0-431968,
9th Fighter Squadron, 49th Fighter Group.

On December 26, 1942, the red flight of which I was leader and including Lt. R.A. Francis, Lt. R.A. McDaris and Lt. W.D. Sells took off at 0945 o’clock for patrol over Buna.  My flight was split up due to radio disturbance and poor reception, leaving two two-ship elements.  We were patrolling at about 3,000 feet.  At 11:15 o’clock Wewoka called and said that enemy aircraft were strafing Dobodura.  At 11:17 I dropped my belly tank, turned on my gun switches and dove down to 1,000 feet directly behind a Zero.  I got to within 200 feet of the Zero before I fired.  As I squeezed the trigger a trail of black smoke came from the Zero and it immediately blew up.  This was the first of three Zeros which were attacking an allied transport.  I turned into the second one which was also in a turn.  I fired a burst ahead of him and through him.  I turned back around and followed him and got another burst into him as I was turning to my left and he was turning into me.  While firing the second bust, which was a long one, I could see that the Zero was smoking, and I expected it to blow up like the first one but it burst into flames and went down.  At this time I observed about eighteen to twenty holes in my left wing and immediately banked over to my left at which time I saw a third Zeke firing at me.  I pulled over this Zero and started into an intense dog fight at about 1,000 feet.  He hit me with three different bursts, all deflection shots, and I felt certain that this was one of “Tojo’s hot pilots”.  One burst hit the wing, another his across the nose and in the engine and the other one across my tail section.  My engine was smoking badly from underneath.  During the latter part of the dogfight I was beginning to lose power, so I turned away from the Zero toward a gap between the mountain tops of the Hydrographer’s range and the clouds, just a small opening, but I headed right for it.  My engine started running rougher and smoking more, so I prepared to bail out if my engine stopped.  Just before I got to the mountain range my engine started missing fire and then quit altogether just as I cleared the mountain top.  I lowered my nose to keep from stalling out, rolled back my canopy, cut my switches, unfastened my safety belt and prepared to jump.  I banked to the left about 15 degrees, stuck out my left arm and shoulder and head and let the wind suck me out.  About half way out my feet got caught and I had to kick them free.  Just as I saw the tail of my plane go by I pulled the rip cord.

Upon looking down I realized the ‘chute had opened just in time, because I was right in the tree tops, having bailed out at a very low altitude.  After landing in the trees which were about seventy-five to one hundred feet high I finally succeeded in cutting myself loose and scaled down three different vines before reaching the ground.  The jungle was so thick I could not even find my jungle pack which I had pitched from the tree.  While in the tree I could hear a running stream which seemed very near but which took me forty-five minutes to reach due to the intense jungle.  Upon reaching the stream I started walking up stream to a village which I had sighted while in the air.  After walking for six hours I came upon a native woman with two kids.  She was so startled to see me that she started bellowing like a cow until the whole village came.  They led me to a shack and built a fire just outside; it was raining.  We sat around and made signs and I tried to make myself understood as to what I wanted done and where I wanted to go.  There were only three words the natives in the village could say, namely: Jap, American and machine gun.  I gave them many gifts, shiny objects.  They fed me paw paw, bananas and sweet potatoes.  We then went back to the village on a mountain about a mile from where I bailed out.  It only took us about two hours to reach this destination by native trails.  They showed me .50 calibre ammunition they had taken from my plane, approximately where it had landed.  This proved a help in getting them to lead me to the plane later.  I made them understand that I wanted them to take me to my plane the following day.  Just before dark a group of natives came up with my parachute, which they had removed by climbing the tree.  The ‘chute was badly torn from having caught on the branches.  I learned it might be a good idea to remain with the ‘chute because the natives seemed to have no trouble in finding the ‘chute, as they indicated that they watch the sky when hearing combat.  I later used part of the ‘chute as cover.

There was only one shack in this village on the mountain top which was about two miles actually from the village.  This shack was a grass hut about twenty by fifteen feet and about four feet high.  That night when I got ready to go to bed they cleared a place in one of the corners, laid a mat down for me to sleep on, gave me the chute to cover with and the air cushion for a pillow.  They fed me again by cooking green bananas over the fire and sweet potatoes.  There were 23 natives and myself in this hut those two nights.  The first morning in the jungle we awoke at seven o’clock.  The men, women and children, the latter ranging from four and five up, sat around for an hour and smoked.  At eight o’clock we started eating, a meal which consisted of cooked bananas, sweet potatoes and paw paw.  Then they started combing their hair and primping up for the day; the men shaved with old double edge blades which upon examination must have been a pulling action.  Each man carried a mirror.  This lasted until nine o’clock and I afterwards learned that this was daily routine with this group of natives.

We started out on a march to my plane which lasted about two hours.  Upon arriving there I could see that the plane was beyond saving.  The plane did not burn but was completely demolished.  I especially checked on radio equipment and everything was completely broken up including instruments.  I sat around until about two o’clock and watched them take the souvenir pieces from the mountain side.  I was amused to note that the women carried the whole load back to the camp.  I spent that evening in the hut with the twenty-three natives.  It was understood that they were to take me to Gore the next morning.

I had six guides from the village.  We stuck to native trails throughout the entire march over the mountains and streams.  A stream was always at the foot of the mountains and I was well supplied with good clear drinking water from them.  Native food was plentiful, consisting of bananas and paw paws.  At the villages we passed through I was given coconut milk to drink.  The first night we slept in a deserted village of about fifteen shacks.  The following morning my guides obtained other guides and the original group returned to their village.

In each village I slept in a shack which was set aside for visitors.  My guides, myself and the owner of the shack were the only ones who slept there.  The wives and children went elsewhere for the night.  They were always expecting me from one village to the next by the guides shouting from mountain tops.  Preparations would be made, such as having a boy climb a tree to get me a coconut and the like.  The natives took especial interest in my gun and wanted me to shoot all the birds along the trail which they would keep to eat later.

On my fourth day I found a native who could speak very good English.  I asked him if he would guide me the rest of the way to the coast but he replied, “I would if I could but I don’t think my wife would let me.”  He used Aussie slang freely and said that his wife spoke as good English as he.  He was amused and happy that we could carry on a conversation and that the other natives in the village could not tell what we were talking about.  The next morning he sent another boy in his place to guide me.  He said he could not go but for me to sleep in the fourth village from there that night, and that the following day I could make the coast.  My last day we climbed up mountains for three hours and went down hill for seven hours, and arrived at a small American Outpost about 4:30 that afternoon, December 31st.

An interesting thing about the mountains was that at about 11:30 every day it started to rain.  When we were on top of the mountains we would be walking through a dense fog but by the time we could get to the bottom it would be clear but still raining.  I was wet about twenty-four hours of the day despite keeping a fire burning all night.

I remained with our troops at Pongoni until picked up by Captain Peaslee on January 2nd.

It is suggested that arrangements me made to carry salt tablets and handi-tape in pilot’s jungle kits.  In my particular case the natives found my parachute before they found me.  It might be a good idea to remain with your parachute for a few hours at least.  Leggings should be worn by pilots while flying to be sure of having them in event of emergency.  Also, it might be advisable to include small items, such as, razor blades for gifts for the natives.  These items could be inserted in the back pad or jungle kit.

JOHN D. LANDERS
1st Lt., Air Corps.

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“(Left to right) 2 Lts. John Landers, Jack Donaldson, flight leader Andy Reynolds and John Sauber.  Donaldson replaced fallen Livingston of the original flight team which later became the high scoring Blue Flight. ” (Photo from Protect & Avenge)

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“Java veteran Capt. ‘Bitchin’ Ben S. Irvin, who was 9th FS CO for a short period in Darwin, leans against the wing of his P-40E (41-25164, “white 75”), “The Rebel”, showing its prominent Pegasus fuselage art.  Irvin had claimed two confirmed victories with the 17th PS in February 1942 before joining the 49th FG.  Irvin did not add to his tally while leading the 9th FS, and returned to the US in late October, 1942” (Photo from collection of John Stanaway, in 49th Fighter Group: Aces of the Pacific)

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“The Rebel” in flight (Photo from Protect & Avenge)

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Color profile of “The Rebel”, by Chris Davey, from 49th Fighter Group: Aces of the Pacific.

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“Brig. Gen. Paul B. Wurtsmith, Commander 5th Fighter Command, congratulates Lt. John D. Landers, Joshua, Texas, of the 49th Fighter Group after presenting him with the Purple Heart.  He also received the Oak Leaf Cluster, Air Medal, Distinguished Flying Cross and Silver Star at a ceremony held at Dobodura Airfield (Horando), near Port Morsesby, Papua, New Guinea.  18 May 1943.” (79118 AC / A32295)

__________

John D. Landers, now Colonel John Landers, serving in the 78th Fighter Group, as pictured in Duxford Diary (American Air Museum in England document 16844)

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New Guinea.  The location of the general area of Pongani village is denoted by the red oval. 

Zooming in for a closer view of the location of Pongani village… 

…and, even closer.  

An air photo / and or satellite view at the same scale as the above map….

…followed by an even closer view.  

References

Ferguson, Steve W. and Pascalis, William K., Protect & Avenge: the 49th Fighter Group in World War II, Schiffer Publishing, Atglen, Pa., 1996

Hess, William N., 49th Fighter Group: Aces of the Pacific, Osprey Publishing Company, London, England, 2014

USAF Credits for the Destruction of Enemy Aircraft – World War II, USAF Historical Study No. 85, Albert F. Simpson Historical Research Center, Air University, 1978

AFRHA Microfilm Reel AO 720, frames 1017 through 1020 (Landers – 12/26/42)

P-40E-1 41-25164 “The Rebel” / “75”, at Pacific Wrecks.com

Pongani village, at Wikipedia

Pongani Airfield, at Pacific Wrecks

War in Space, 1939 – III: “Space War Tactics” in Astounding Science Fiction, by Malcolm Jameson and Willy Ley (1939) – Readers Respond

The appearance of Willy Ley and Malcolm Jameson’s articles about Space War in the August and November issues of Astounding Science Fiction for 1939, generated – unsurprisingly – a small fusillade of laudatory comment in the magazine in its issues of October and December, 1939, and May of 1940.  The contributors were Thomas S. Gardner of Kingsport, Tennessee; A. Arthur Smith of Ontario, Canada; J.M. Cripps of Manhattan, Kansas; James S. Avery of Skowhegan, Maine, as well as Jameson and Ley themselves, in the October and May issues, respectively.    

In the October issue, reader Gardner gives his evaluation of the literary merits of the August, 1939 issue, and follows with agreement about Ley’s article, albeit suggesting that “rays” might be safer weapons than projectiles, albeit not explaining how.  Malcolm Jameson’s letter provides insight into his career in the Navy.  Then, he segues into the “core” of his own article, which pertained to locating, tracking, and aiming at an enemy spacecraft.  He also addresses the technology of guns, or more accurately, cannon, in terms of the weight (mass) of the gun itself, qualifying this with the realization that his comments pertain to guns in terrestrial conditions, not space.

Reader Cripps, in the December Astounding, turns out to be an advocate of “rays”, under the proviso that, “if you [Willy ley] admit-their scientifictional credibility, it won’t strain you too much to realize that there is just a possibility that those same projectors might not be either so weak or so sensitive to shaking or jarring as you seem to think.”  He premises this on the assumption that spacecraft can be propelled – be powered and reach escape velocity; leave a planet’s gravity well – solely by means of “ray projectors”, rather than, “the sort of chemical rocket that can he designed today.”  In this context, he suggests that energy released from a cyclotron could be transformed into electricity and then projected into space via a “ray generator” or “refractory projector”, without (!) expanding onto how said generator or projector is specifically to function. 

Well, feasible or not, it’s interesting to think about!   

As for addressing Willy Ley as “Herr Ley”?  Whether that is a sign of respect, or something else again, will remain unknown…

In the issue of May, 1940, reader Avery’s comments parallel those of Gardner in 1939, addressing the magazine’s literary content, and positing a question concerning Jameson’s analysis of a spacecraft versus spacecraft battle.  Then, Willy Ley explains his advocacy of guns versus “torpedoes”, by focusing on the suitability of 37 and 75mm canon, specifically in terms of the weight of the former.  As for the “37”, “…that they are effective enough has meantime been demonstrated by the new 37-millimeter anti-tank guns of the U.S. army that “disintegrated” 1 ½-inch steel armor plate at a thousand yards without a moment’s hesitation.  That 1,000 yard range means, of course, in air – for space conditions it might safely be multiplied by a hundred or even more.”  Perhaps so for space warfare.  However, in terms of (terrestrial!) anti-tank combat, while the 37mm (M3) gun was a suitable weapon against pre-war tank designs, Japanese tanks throughout the war (in a general sense), and light (including German) German armored vehicles, it was not an effective weapon against the Panzer IV and later German tanks.  

Anyway, to liven things up a little bit, included are images of the covers of the relevant issues of Astounding, those for October, 1939 and May, 1940, having been found on the Internet.  There is also a lovely piece of black & white interior art, I’m certain by Henry Richard Van Dongen.     

Astounding Science Fiction

October, 1939 (pp. 154-160)

Malcolm Jameson plans to expand on Ley’s ballistics!

Dear Mr. Campbell:

I regret to have to give Astounding Stories a very good rating for the August, 1939, issue.  I repeat, I regret, because it is very difficult to keep up such a high standard as Astounding has been setting for the past six months.  I am afraid that I will be disappointed one of these issues — although I know that you will do every-thing to prevent such a catastrophe.  Now to business:

Cover – good.  It strikes a note of action and force.  I like the contrasting reds and darker colors.

Your little editorials are quite Interesting – in spite of the fact that sometimes I do not always agree.   However, this month we agree.

“General Swamp, C.I.C.”  Quite a good and logical story – parallels the American Revolution.  Your characters are well drawn, and I am glad to see the individualism shown, for it is passing out in America now.  Of course, it is harder to fight a war with people who are free individuals – as we found out in 1776.

“The Luck of Ignatz” – A good character, I should like to see more of this character.

“The Blue Giraffe” – Humor can be used well in s-f. and de Camp handles it best of any that I have seen.

“Pleasure Trove” – The type of story that made old Astounding under Clayton liked – scientales with a punch.  Thanks for the breathing spell from the heavy stuff.

“Heavy Planet” – Good.  A logical and well-handled situation.

“Life-Line” – Very plausible and better on the second reading.  The doctor didn’t completely believe his own theory and proof until he failed to save the young couple – then he knew that his own time was about up and he couldn’t change the future.  That was cleverly put in the story.

“Stowaway” – Fairly good story and a good poke of fun at Earthlings.

“An Ultimatum from Mars” – The best of Cummings that I have seen in a long time.

“Space War” – Fine.  Willy Ley sure knows his engineering and some ballistics.  The article was the best of its type for some time.  He is dead right – guns are going to be really tough to handle in free space.  The trouble is in hitting the object – a whole new science of ballistics will have to be worked out – something like the multiple body problem on a small scale.

Tell Ley that rays might be safer – it they are developed on a large scale due to their spreading – for space around a battle will be uninhabitable for long distances due to unexploded bombs, et cetera.  Of course, the h.e. shells will travel far away if they don’t hit.

Inside Illustrations – I still like them O.K.

General make-up was O.K.  So you see why I regret to have to give it such a good rating – for can yon repeat next month?  I hope so. – Thomas S. Gardner, P.O. Box 802, Kingsport, Tennessee.

SCIENCE DISCUSSIONS

Malcolm Jameson is one of the country’s few real experts on really heavy guns.

Dear Mr. Campbell:

Up to now I have been one of the most inarticulate of your contributors, but Willy Ley’s “Space War” in the August Astounding, is like smoke in the nostrils of an old fire-horse – it starts me itching to hop into the ring with him for an unlimited bout where we can hurl back and forth the fascinating facts of ballistics – both interior and exterior – and drag in that other science that utilizes both of them and some other things – Fire-Control.  Ordinarily, I approach your science articles with a good deal of deference and with appropriate modesty, but when anybody starts writing about ordnance he is on ground where I think I know my way around.  It happens that I spent eight or nine of the best years of my life where ordnance was being designed, manufactured, tested and used – in gun factory and laboratory, at proving grounds and on warships, both in peace and war, and in the field with troops.  So if I make bold to comment: on Mr. Ley’s article, it is because I feel that I am competent to do so.

Not that I mean to imply I have fault to find with it.  On the contrary, I am all for him – barring a few minor points.  I like his demolition of the heat-gun and ray-screen doctrines, and the way he sails into other fantastic gadgets.  I am in thorough accord with his choice of propelled explosives as the most probably final weapon of future warfare.  My chief criticism is that he did not go far enough.  He tells us what projectiles will do to the hostile ship, but not how to find it and hit it.  The problem of finding the enemy and maintaining contact long enough to hit him, considering the stupendous reaches of the void and the colossal speeds involved, seems to me to transcend all other considerations.  But then, that is the subject matter for another article entirely.

It occurs to me, however, that readers of Astounding may be interested in some expansion of several of the things Mr. Ley mentions; and also I would like to take issue with him as to one or two of his statements.  Merely to list and briefly describe the many known factors that enter into gunnery would require pages, so I will confine myself to a few of those touched on in the article.

He spoke of the retarding effect of the air in the rifle bore ahead of the projectile.  I can cite an instance that illustrates that beautifully and it won’t be necessary to swamp you with graphs, formulae or statistics.  When the battleship Mississippi went into commission, Dr. Curtis of the physics department of the Bureau of Standards was one of the experts who went with us to Cuba to hold her experimental battery tests.  Among other things, he desired to measure muzzle velocity under shipboard conditions.  M.V. determination up to that time had been done only at the Proving Ground where it was possible to fire the shell through two successive screens hung in front of the gun.

Dr. Curtis rigged two metallic fingers at the muzzle of the gun, protruding slightly above the bottom of the rifling grooves, and also stretched a wire across the bore opening.  These were parts of two electrical circuits, each hooked up to oscillographs.  The idea was that the nose of the emerging shell would break the wire, thus interrupting one current, and that the bourrelet, or rotating hand, would wipe the fingers and complete the circuit of the other, thus producing two wiggles on the oscillograph tracing.  He knew, of course, the exact distance from the shell-top to the lending edge of the bourrelet

The first readings were absurdly low and Dr. Curtis correctly guessed that it was because the outrushing air had broken his wire before the shell got there.  He put in heavier wire.  Then a steel rod.  Believe It or not, it was not until he had worked up to an iron bar, of something like 3/8 of an inch by a couple of inches, set edgewise like a girder across the opening, that he found something that would stay there until the projectile emerged.  Even at that he had trouble with its fastenings.  Some breeze!

I note Mr. Ley’s complaint that designers simply do not pay attention to weight unless the question of transport is involved.  I assure him he Is quite mistaken.  If the guns of a battleship could be reduced in weight by so little as five per cent, it would mean the saving of many tons which could well be utilized for other purposes.  Actually, other characteristics of the gun being equal, gun weights have steadily declined – due chiefly to improvements In steel-making processes, notably heat treatment.  Presumably, the trend will continue as better methods and stronger alloys are found.

The reason for the present weight of guns is stark necessity.  It takes a lot of metal to withstand a suddenly applied force of upward of twenty tons to the square inch.  When he says that reducing the thickness of gun barrels shortens their service life, he is dead right.  It shortens it all right – is likely to cut it down to one terrific and fatal blast.  If he had had the opportunity as I had, of seeing many ruptured field guns lying on Southampton dock during 1917, he would not think the factor of safety overstressed.

As to the difference in thickness between a worn-out gun and a new one, it is almost imperceptible to the untrained eye.  Gunners keep a careful record of the number of rounds fired and star-gauge their guns often, for that is the only way they can keep track of the erosion.  A worn bore, and the wear may not exceed the thickness of this sheet of paper, permits the powder gases to escape past the projectile, thereby seriously reducing its velocity.  It also fends to promote wobble in flight.

In the vicinity of the breech not only are the pressures greater, but the temperatures are terrifically high, and I suspect that the lining of the powder chamber and the face of the breech-plug is for a moment In a virtually molten condition.  I witnessed a blowback once, through an infinitesimal hairline scratch on the seat of the gas-check seal.  It was a brand-new 14” gun under proof and the breech of it was ruined.  The gases escaping through that little hole blew I the metal out in a line spray, like butter under a blow torch.  Of course, the speed of the leaking gases added vastly to the damage, but it must be hot in there.

I doubt very much whether a strictly non-recoiling gun is possible.  The recoil begins much earlier than most people Imagine – shortly after the projectile has started moving within the barrel.

In regard to the “optimum” elevation of 45 degrees, I might say that that is the elevation that theoretically gives the maximum range.  I have seen heavy guns fired all the way up to fifty degrees, but there is little gain in range after the upper thirties, and a progressively greater loss of control.  The famous German long-range gun could only be effective against a target as large as the city of Paris.  Hitting somewhere within a ten-mile circle is not an artilleryman’s notion of marksmanship.

As to streamlining, that has been tried but is not practicable for several reasons.  However, that does not mean that the shape of the shell is unimportant.  The “coefficient of form” is an important one; long-pointed shells travel farther than short blunt ones.  Armor-piercing projectiles that have to be stubby are equipped with false noses for that reason.

Of course, I realize that all this quibbling is about Earthly conditions and is not very applicable to what happens in the void.  I am writing only because It may be of interest to our fans.  As to the extension of Space Warfare to take in such matters as scouting, range finding, tracking and spotting, I am very much tempted to break out as an article writer myself.  Then Mr. Ley can slip in a new ribbon and do a little sniping of his own. – Malcolm Jameson, 519 West 147th Street, New York, N.Y.

Maybe you can use rays, at that!

Dear Mr. Campbell:

I want to make a few comments about the August number of Astounding.

First point is Willy Ley’s article on the weapons of space combat.  Frankly, I’ll still stick to the flaming rays and scintillating screens; Mr. Ley’s argument against them starts off with a bit of a self-contradiction.  On page 74 he states: “That they (ray projectors) do not exist now is immaterial; science-fiction is not only concerned with things that are, but also with things that might be.”  And forthwith proceeds to argue them out of existence on the grounds that the equipment necessary to produce them would be so ponderous compared with present-day artillery as to make them impracticable.  Come, come, Mr. Ley!  Surely, if you admit-their scientifictional credibility, it won’t strain you too much to realize that there is just a possibility that those same projectors might not be either so weak or so sensitive to shaking or jarring as you seem to think.

You say the projector would need a power plant, and “power plants are notoriously heavy.”  O.K.  But it also appears to me that even an unarmed ship might need a fair-sized set of generators just to lift it into space; unless, of course, you insist on limiting the poor writer to the sort of chemical rocket that can he designed today.

You say that the ray generator would be sensitive, “since we have to assume tubes of some kind.”  Do we, now?  Let’s try a spot of assuming, and see what sort of power plant and ray projector we can dream up, even without going too far beyond our present scientific knowledge.

Power plant first.  Suppose we make it an atomic energy set-up, using the fission of uranium 235 under neutron bombardment.  We’ll need a source of neutrons to start off that reaction.  Cyclotron, perhaps, since you seem to like a heavy power plant; though I think that with U-235 a simple, light, insensitive radioactive source might work as well.  A cyclotron would have tubes to go out during an engagement, all right, but we needn’t worry about that; we’ll just use it to touch off the process at the start, and keep steam up afterward, since the reaction is self-perpetuating.  Probably need a direct hit now to put that job out of action.

Ray projector?  Well, I suppose we could turn the released energy into electricity, to be later transformed into some deadly radiation In a delicate ray generator.  It seems to me that a stream of those 200-million-volt atomic nuclei given off by disintegrating uranium, and released in the general direction of the enemy through refractory projectors would be just as deadly and a lot simpler.  That question of refractories Is a delicate one, I admit; but we’ll need them, anyway, for the power plant, so let’s not strain at gnats while swallowing camels.

Do I hear an objection from Mr. Ley?  “If there is an insulating material that holds out against the energies released at the giving end, it is hard to understand why the same insulator should not be usable to safeguard the bull of the ship that is being rayed.”

Same answer as to the question : Why not armor-plate the ship against solid and explosive projectiles from Mr. Ley’s heavy artillery?  Too heavy; and, perhaps, a whole lot more expensive than even the best nickel-steel armor.  But if you insist, I’ll make my ship invulnerable to ray attack; only you’ve got to reciprocate, and turn yours into a flying fort, complete with 30-inch plate all round.

This begins to look like stalemate.  So let’s compromise; fit out our warships of space with both rays and guns, ray screens, insulation, and armor-plate, and see what new forms of deviltry the boys can think up with that equipment.

It should be interesting. – A. Arthur Smith, 131 Aqueduct Street, Welland, Ontario, Canada.

Astounding Science Fiction

December, 1939 (p. 108)

To the defense of rays.

Dear Sir:

As a rule, your stories are good and your articles better; the article entitled “Space War,” by Wily Ley, is however, the exception that proves the rule.

Before I attempt to back up the above statement, perhaps I had better give my qualifications.  I have some sixty-odd hours of college chemistry, twenty-two hours of college physics, and thirty-four hours of college math.  I spent three years in the National Guard attached to a battery of 155 mm guns.

I am too lazy to attempt to check Herr Ley on his statements of armor weight, gun weight, et cetera, but they seem reasonable, so I will allow them to stand without argument – they would probably stand, anyway.

Taking up Herr Ley’s arguments in order, I wonder if it ever occurred to him that it would require quite a good power plant to lift a “fair-sized spaceship, about ninety yards long and twenty yards in diameter,” from the surface of the earth and then set it gently down again?  It seems to me that the weight of the mechanism required to divert part of this power from drive to ray generator would not be prohibitive.  Vacuum-tubes are delicate, but could be made stronger if necessary, and, if not, I believe would rather risk having a tube blow during the course of a battle and leave me without effective weapons than to have an enemy shell land in the ship’s magazine.

He kindly granted the possibility of dangerous rays and then stated that he did not believe they could be developed in the near future.  Micro-waves – radio – from 30 cm. down in wave length would be quite disconcerting if there were some 50,000 watts being fed into them.  You see, they are picked up by a metallic conductor as heat.  They may not be what the science-fiction author has in mind when he refers to heat rays, but they’ll work quite nicely, I believe, and they focus into the neatest tight beam.  As for ray shields, there is always heterodyning.

As to the impossibility of “holding a ray on a fast-moving distant target, that might be practically invisible with black paint against the background of black space,” just how many men could hit a black disk twenty yards in diameter on a dark night such a range and moving with such a velocity that a searchlight – just another ray – could not hold it?

In space a heat ray is an accumulative affair in that heat is dissipated only by radiation, which is a notoriously slow process at ordinary – 0-200 C-temperatures.  This would mean that the heat ray would not have to be held on the target.

As for the disadvantages of guns, Herr Ley has neglected to mention that in warfare on earth, when a heavy gun is firing at a target the gun is relatively motionless with respect to the target.  This simplifies aiming considerably.  Dog fights between planes are never long-range affairs because of their relative velocities.  Going back to ground fighting, however, a miss of twenty yards or so is as good as a hit because of the bursting range of the shell.  A miss of one cm. in space is as good as if the shell had not been fired.

When Herr Ley advocates the use of 75s in space, it is obvious that he has never been around them when they were fired.  I have, and I wouldn’t care to be in a closed room – even if it were evacuated – with one firing several rounds to the minute.

During the World War gas was used frequently so as to force the men to don gas masks.  The masks cut down the firing efficiency noticeably.  I wonder when effect a space suit would have on accuracy?

The science of exterior and interior ballistics is built around the presence of air and a fairly strong gravitational field.  It would take some time to develop a science of vacuum ballistics.

Reading this over it appears that I have laid the foundations – or destroyed them – for a good way – right here on earth between Herr Ley and me.  I’ll try to prepare myself for his counter-attack, because I don’t believe I destroyed him entirely.  – J.M. Cripps, Manhattan, Kansas

Astounding Science Fiction

May, 1940 (pp. 159-161)

Yes, but who’s going to use a slow spaceship if the enemy has fast ones?

Dear Mr. Campbell:

It seems now that the latest vogue in science-fiction stories is that of rocket-racing, and it is only natural that you should secure the best of that type yet published.  By this, I refer to the clever and well-written “Habit” by Lester del Rey in the November issue.  This excellent little piece has that “certain something” that sets it off as a typically Astounding story.  I honestly believe that were I given an armful of untitled, anonymous, and as yet unpublished manuscripts, I could tell within ninety percent or better which would find refuge in Astounding and which would go to your umpteen competitors.  It’s style, not plot, that makes Astounding the “class magazine” that it is.

May I add a line or two to the rumpus stirred up over the merits of the “General Swamp” serial.  To my mind it ranks with the best of any two-part serial yet published.  Its handling was so uniquely different that it captivated me from the very start.  It was realistic to the point of having me half believe I was reading actual reports and military accounts!  Kick on the hard-to-pronounce names?  Not me! surrounded as I am by left-over handles of the Indian period – Skowhegan, Messalonskee, Norridgewock, Kennebec, Mooselookmeguntick, Cobbseecontee, et cetera.  How does Arkgonactl and Golubhammon compare with these?

Space war articles and letters by Ley and Jameson appeal greatly to me, despite the fact that they hopelessly destroy – and quite logically, too – my pet dreams of flashing ray battles In the void.  But wouldn’t two ships traveling a parallel course at equal or near equal speeds be visible lo one another?  Jameson seems to think not.  Also comes up again the slow-speed spaceship theory that blasts the seven-mile-per-second principle – page 70 of “Space War Tactics” – off the records.  Still, Jameson accepts that, too, … – James S. Avery, 50 Middle Street, Skowhegan, Maine.

SCIENCE DISCUSSIONS

Experts transposed?

Dear. Mr. Campbell:

That the problems of spate war and space war tattles are infested with wide gaps of knowledge and with difficulties of all kinds is proven by one fact: I recommend guns, while an old gunnery expert like Malcolm Jameson prefers rocket torpedoes!  If it were the other way round, nobody would be surprised.

My reasons for recommending guns were already stated in my article “Space War,” the principal one being that guns with ammunition are lighter and less bulky than rocket torpedoes, provided that an appreciable number of rounds is to be carried.  And since my comparison was based on rocket’ torpedoes capable of attaining the same velocity as gun projectiles, I think that the argument is still valid, if the torpedoes were to attain higher speeds they would he still heavier and still bulkier.

Answering first to Mr. Jameson’s letter I hasten to assert that I do not think that the weight of large caliber guns could he reduced very much, unless by the use of new alloys.  I was speaking of small guns, 75 millimeter and less, and I still hold that I am right.  The new anti-tank guns in all armies prove that point; they are much lighter than anything built so far.  (I may add that those of the Swiss army are also equipped with a recoil eliminator.)  And that they are effective enough has meantime been demonstrated by the new 37-millimeter anti-tank guns of the U.S. army that “disintegrated” 1 ½-inch steel armor plate at a thousand yards without a moment’s hesitation.  That 1,000 yard range means, of course, in air – for space conditions it might safely be multiplied by a hundred or even more.

As far as tactics of combat are concerned, I, having neither experience nor theoretical training, have to be quiet.  I cannot help but feel, however, that the tactics of sea or aerial combat do not apply to a very great extent.  We always have to hear in mind that an orbit in space and a course in air or on the high seas are not exactly the same.  Spaceships are not steamers that travel at will, but rather canoes in swift and powerful currents.  These canoes have paddled that permit some movement at will and some steering, and If the “currents” were not as regular and ad calculable as they are the case would be hopeless.

Spaceships, therefore, will either pass each other in opposite directions and at such relative speeds that hardly anything could be done, or else they will follow about the same course and by necessity have about the same velocity.  It is the latter condition I had in mind, and it is in that condition where guns will he advantageous.  Mine laying is, of course, a nice idea, but again I do not quite see why mines should be superior to guns, generally speaking.  Mr. Jameson is trying to do something that is very hard to do when he proposes that the space mines, or iron pellets, should be “shot out of mine-laying tubes clustered about the main drive jets.  They would be shot out at right angles – and given a velocity exactly equal to the ship’s speed, so that they would hang motionless where they were dropped.  The latter does not hold true exactly; the pellets would at once start moving in the general direction of the Sun – If they are exactly motionless it would be the exact direction toward the Sun – but since that movement would he very slow at first and the enemy ship reaches the area of the mine field In a few seconds, that factor can he disregarded.  What bothers me is the problem how the mines could be shot out with a velocity exactly equal to the ship’s speed.  That speed is assumed to be about 20 – 25 miles per second.  Muzzle velocities of guns will be between one and – possibly – one and a half miles per second.  And even the gas molecules in the rocket exhaust do not travel faster than, say, three miles per second.  If a method could be found to shoot the space mines away from the ship with 20-25 miles per second, that method should be applied to throw shells.

Since I have started criticizing other people’s Ideas, I might as well say a few words about Robert Heinlein’s enjoyable story “Misfit.”  Generally speaking, I think that moving an asteroid for the purpose of using it as a station in space is a very wasteful business.  It would take much less fuel to transport building material to the chosen spot in space from Earth or Mars.  An asteroid possesses an awful amount of useless mass that has to be transported, and each pound of mass requires so and so much fuel.  It Is somewhat like moving a large mountain from one continent to another because there is a forest growing on top of the mountain and the larger trees of that forest are to be used to build a raft.

But even if we concede lo the waste of fuel to move the asteroid, there Is no reason to waste more than half of that fuel in giving “88” “a series of gentle pats, always on the side farthest from the Sun.”  What has to be accomplished is to slow down the orbital velocity of the asteroid so that the gravitational attraction of the Sun gets the upper hand and draws it closer.  Which is done most effectively in setting off the rocket charges in such a way that they point “ahead,” at right angles to the line drawn from the asteroid to the Sun.  The resulting movement would be along an elliptical curve – somewhat distorted, to be sure – but not a hyperbolic curve.  And there is no need for such unnecessary accuracy.  If the asteroid should finally possess a few hundred feet of orbital velocity more or less, is really unimportant.  It would make a difference of ten or twenty miles – or even fifty or a hundred – in the average distance from the Sun.  There is no reason why that should matter, just as it does not matter whether an island in the Atlantic Ocean is half a mile farther west or not; it only matters that captains know where It is.  Besides, the orbit of the asteroid could be corrected at any time, if desired.  But I wouldn’t move asteroids at all.

I wish to say “thank you” to Mr. E. Franklin of Jamaica Plain for his nice and interesting letter in the October issue.  The real trouble with articles is that they have to be shorter than the “Gray Lensman.” – Willey Ley, 35-33 20th St., Long Island City, N.Y.

Little Plastic Pieces: Stealth, Stealthier, Stealthiest – Testors’ 1/48 F-19 “Stealth” Fighter Plastic Model Kit, as Reported in The Wall Street Journal – 1986

Here’s an interesting item from the 1980s:  A “first” and probably “only” for The Wall Street Journal:  The newspaper’s 1986 report on the release of Testors’ 1/48 “F-19 Stealth Fighter,” an event which gained the attention of the national media in the context of the (then) novelty of Stealth Technology, the aura of mystery inherent to the classified nature of the actual aircraft (in reality, Lockheed’s F-117 Nighthawk) in use by the United States Air Force as far back as 1983, and in terms of both, the assumption – and an assumption only, it turned out to be! – that a relatively small firm had come up with a “scoop” well ahead of the major news media.  

The Journal’s article included an artist’s rendering of Testors’ F-19, probably based on the kit’s box art, composed in the speckled / shaded style characteristic of illustrations published in the newspaper.  

I do find it interesting that the article took a swipe at the two plastic model companies then preeminent in the United States (again, we’re talking the 1980s): Monogram Models and Revell.  (Unfortunately, Airfix, Tamiya, and Hasegawa weren’t approached for comment.)  “Testors’ competitors aren’t quite so complimentary. “Educated guesswork,” sniffs a spokesman for Monogram Models Inc., the largest military model maker.  Says Thomas West, marketing director of Revell, “I don’t think what Testors did was accurate.”  Despite the not-so-subtle dismissal of those firms’ responses to the release of Testors’ kit, the representatives of Monogram and Revell proved to be entirely correct.  The success of Testors’ F-19 seems to have been the result of fortuitous (or well-planned?) timing and canny marketing, and, a combination of misinformation and disinformation. 

The full text of the Journal article follows below…

Secret ‘Stealth’ Fighter Is a Best-Seller
(In 12-Inch Plastic – Assembly Required)

By BILL RICHARDS

Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

The Wall Street Journal
August 21, 1986

There’s no such thing as the F-19 “Stealth” fighter airplane – or so say the people at the Pentagon.

But the F-19 exists.  It’s at the local hobby shop.

Although the design of the radar-evading Stealth is top-secret, Testors Corp. of Rockford, Ill., has somehow managed to produce a 12-inch plastic model of it.  Since its introduction last month, the model has become an instant best-seller.

That’s great for the slumping model airplane industry, but terrible for the Air Force and Lockheed Corp., which builds the real Stealth.  At a recent congressional hearing on leaks of Lockheed documents concerning the Stealth program, Rep. Ronald Wyden waved Testors’ F-19 model in front of embarrassed Lockheed officials and the TV cameras.  If Testors could come up with details of the supersecret Stealth, wondered Mr. Wyden, an Oregon Democrat, could Soviet spies be far behind?

Probably not, says John Andrews, chief model-airplane designer for Testors.  “Once an airplane comes out of the hangar, people find out about it.”  Testors’ model, which Mr. Andrews estimates to be 80% accurate, comes from “bits, pieces, comments and friends you meet and know,” he says cryptically.

Awkward Moments

For Testors, a unit of RPM Inc. of Medina, Ohio, the events of recent weeks have been awkward.  Testors officials squirmed when federal investigations disclosed that hundreds of classified documents were missing from Lockheed’s Stealth program and used Testors’ F-19 to dramatize the leaks.  They were further distressed when a real F-19 crashed on a test run over California last month and several news organizations used Testors’ newly introduced model to illustrate their crash stories.  Then, to top it all off, FBI agents recently visited Testors after another model maker, Revell Corp., was mailed an apparently authentic drawing of Northrop Corp.’s classified Stealth bomber.

Charles Miller, Testors’ president and a former Marine pilot, insists the company isn’t privy to any classified secrets.  “We’re just a little company that made a model of what we think is the F-19,” he says.  “We’ve become an innocent bystander to a swirl of news.”

The flurry of publicity over the F-19 should give both Testors and the model industry some welcome attention.  Military model sales have been in a slump since Vietnam, and the entire model industry declined precipitously in the early 1980s when video arcades began attracting youngsters’ allowance money.

Although other model makers have replicated top-secret weaponry, Testors is especially aggressive in producing cutting-edge aircraft models.  Three years ago, for example, Testors produced a detailed version of Lockheed’s top-secret SR-71 “Blackbird” spy plane.  “We sat on the SR-71 for 10 years,” says David Miller, Testors’ executive vice president, until the company felt confident that the replica was accurate.  Testors officials say they also had detailed information about the U-2 spy plane well before the public had seen it.  And Mr. Andrews was able to take photographs of the A-12, the CIA’s version of the SR-71, while parts of that plane were still officially secret.

One competitor grudgingly calls Mr. Andrews, 53 years old, an “all-star” model designer, especially in the area of state-of-the-art aircraft.  His cluttered office, in an industrial park just north of San Diego, Calif., looks like the lair of a high-tech spy as well as a model builder.  Along with tiny aircraft models, his work tables are littered with satellite photographs of Stealth’s Nevada test site.  Aircraft industry trade journals and technical publications on esoteric subjects like microwave absorption and the fine points of radar transmission are piled around the office.

Mr. Andrews is also well-connected in Southern California’s close-knit aerospace community.  When a group of engineers, pilots and others who worked on the SR-71 gathered for a reunion several years ago, Mr. Andrews was one of the few outsiders invited.

Mr. Andrews says his first clue that Lockheed was getting ready to develop the Stealth fighter came from an item in a trade newsletter in 1976.  The story said Lockheed had recalled the retired chief of its so-called black programs, which involve top-secret aircraft and satellite projects, but gave no details.  Gradually, Mr. Andrews says, he accumulated a folder full of snippets about Stealth.  In 1978 he wrote to the Air Force asking about the project.  “They wrote back and said there wasn’t anything available,” he says.  “That really turned my lights on.”

A short time later Lockheed, in what Mr. Andrews says was an unusual burst of cooperation, allowed him to photograph one of its A-12 spy planes.  He now says the gesture may have been an effort to deflect his interest from Stealth.

It didn’t work.  Testors’ F-19 made its debut last February at a hobby industry trade show in Chicago.  Ironically, Testors managed to keep its own Stealth model so secret-company officials, for example, referred to it by its code name, “Super Tomcat” that few outsiders at the show understood what the company had succeeded in doing.

Mum’s the Word

Mr. Andrews is uncommunicative about some of his sources for the model.  But he acknowledges that one break came from a commercial pilot who got a good look at a Stealth fighter near the Air Force’s test site at Groom Lake, Nev., in 1983.  The pilot, an avid modeler, sent a sketch of what he saw to Mr. Andrews.

Lockheed is equally quiet about Mr. Andrews’s effort.  “He did a very clever thing,” says a spokesman for the aerospace company, declining to speculate on the accuracy of the model.  But, the spokesman adds, “if there is a Stealth fighter, most of the secrets are probably inside the plane anyway.”

However accurate it is, the model seems to have caught on big with one group of fans – Southern California aerospace workers.  Hobby shops near several big test facilities in the region quickly sold out of the F-19 when it went on the shelf last month.  One group of employees from Lockheed’s top-secret “Skunk Works,” which developed the F-19, ordered 100 of the models from the Far West hobby shop in Lancaster, Calif.  “I would assume the model is pretty accurate for that much interest,” says Larry Trumbull, owner of Far West.

Testors’ competitors aren’t quite so complimentary. “Educated guesswork,” sniffs a spokesman for Monogram Models Inc., the largest military model maker.  Says Thomas West, marketing director of Revell, “I don’t think what Testors did was accurate.”

That doesn’t bother Mr. Andrews, who has already moved on to a new interest – UFOs.  “Something is going on,” he says, indicating a thick folder of material he has been collecting on the subject for several years.  Possibly, he says, some UFO sightings were actually glimpses of another new-and very secret-aircraft. “I’m not sure what it looks like yet,” he says, “but if it flies, I’m interested.”

References

Testors F-19 Stealth Fighter 1/48 Plastic Model, at Fantastic Plastic

La aeronave más conocida que jamás existió, el caza stealth F-19 (“The best known aircraft that ever existed, the F-19 stealth fighter”), at No Barrell Rolls (Blog dedicado a aviones prototipos, abandonados o poco conocidos (“A blog dedicated to prototype aircraft, abandoned or little known.”))

“The F-19 stealth fighter: Would it have worked in the real world?”, at HushKit

“10 Fictional ‘Black Jet’ Toys, Models, And Video Games From The 1980s To Today – All I want for Christmas is an F-19 stealth super fighter,” by Brett Tingley, at TheDrive

Testors Corporation, at Wikipedia

Testors Corporation, at WikiMili

Testors Corporation: “So why did Testors exit the plastic kit market?”, at Hyperscale Forums

RPM International, at Wikipedia

– – Behind Paywall – –

Ciotti, Paul (1986-10-19) “Tempest in a Toy Box: The Stealth Fighter Is So Secret the Pentagon Won’t Admit It Exists.  John Andrews Shocked Everyone by Building a Model of It.  To Tell the Truth, He Says, It Wasn’t All That Much Trouble”, Los Angeles Times

War in Space, 1939 – II: “Space War Tactics” in Astounding Science Fiction, by Malcolm Jameson (November, 1939)


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Three months after the appearance of Willy Ley’s article “Space War” in the August, 1939 issue of Astounding Science Fiction, Malcolm Jameson penned (well, in all probability, he typed – remember typewriters?) a follow-up article of similar length and concept, but focused on a different aspect of spacecraft-to-spacecraft combat:  The actual tactics of battle.  Thus, Jameson – perhaps reflective of his background as a naval officer – accords attention to the maneuvers utilized by opposing spacecraft, only later in his article discussing weapons, and unlike Ley, being an advocate of “rocket torpedoes”.

Jameson’s article is supplemented by two diagrams which illustrate the trajectories of opposing spacecraft engaged in combat.  (You can see his signature at the lower right in each.)  In both diagrams – here limited to two dimensions, and viewed from “below” – the track of “our” spacecraft is on the left, and the enemy ship to the right. 

In the first diagram, our craft is on a straight trajectory, with the enemy ship taking an abrupt “right” turn at position “7”, the weapons employed by our spacecraft presumably being rocket-torpedoes. 

In the second diagram, the pair of spacecraft are on a converging trajectory, the weapons being mines as well as rocket-torpedoes.

Paralleling my post about Willy Ley’s article about space war, here are some general “take-aways” from Jameson’s article:

1) Military conflicts, regardless of the era or the nature of weapons employed, can be expected to follow the same general principles.  Thus, though “space” is by nature a setting different from arenas of battle in the traditional sense, the same concepts and assumptions can be expected to hold there, as well.

However, two primary differences stand out:  “Space” differs from taken-for-granted terrestrial settings (any planetary setting, really) in terms of its (apparently limitless) extent, and, the speed of the craft involved.  The implications and challenges of the latter, in terms of even the nominal possibility of maneuver, as well as locating, tracking, aiming, and firing at enemy craft, cannot be underestimated.

2) Given the speed of combat between spacecraft, gunnery computations (like Willy Ley’s August article, Jameson’s analysis is based on the assumption that spacecraft armament will comprise some form of weaponry firing either simple mass weapons or explosive projectiles, rather than an energy weapon of unknown design and function) will demand the use of a “differentia calculator”.  Though he does not elaborate, Jameson seems to have been either anticipating or conceptualizing such a device as ENIAC (Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer), the existence of which was announced to the public ten months after his death.  

3)  The spacecraft’s armament is simple, whether by the standards of the late ‘thirties or 2021:  The craft shoots projectiles comprised of “a simple sphere of meteoric iron”.  Due to the velocities involved, explosives are entirely unnecessary: The momentum of such a projectile is entirely adequate to damage or destroy an enemy spacecraft.

4) A substantial portion of Jameson’s text – specifically pertaining to Figure 1 – pertains to the manner in which “our” spacecraft will locate, identify, and track the enemy vessel, and, plot a firing trajectory for its weapons.  Here, Jameson description of the craft’s “plotting room,” the “most vital spot in the ship,” seems (unsurprisingly, given his naval background) akin to a description of a battleship or aircraft carrier’s combat information center, “the counterpart of the brain”.    

Then, his essay gets really interesting, for – in the context of describing the tracks of two spacecraft engaged in combat, as diagrammed in Figure 2 – he postulates about the nature of space-borne rangefinders and target-bearing transmitters, suggesting for the former determining distance – “sounding” by radio waves – and the latter something akin to a thermoscope, or simply put, a device showing changes in temperature, against a given background. 

In other words, he seems to have been respectively anticipating both radar, and, what is now known as IRST: Infrared Search and Track.      

5) Interestingly, unlike Willy Ley, Jameson is also an advocate of the use of some form of what he dubs “rocket torpedoes” rather than shells, due to the latter’s “advantage of auto-acceleration” and the “ability to build up speed to any desired value after having been launched,” versus the delay inherent to the sequence of events involved in the the actual firing and movement of a shell from a gun.  Of course, even assuming the enemy vessel is attacked with “rocket torpedoes”, such devices – in the context and era of Jameson’s article – would have no internal guidance or tracking system of their own, their “flight” path being entirely dependent on course adjustments of the firing platform – “our” spacecraft – itself.      

5) Where mentioned, I’ve included conversions of given velocities (“miles per second”) to velocities per hour, in both English and Metric systems, the former in statue miles.  These are denoted by brackets.  (e.g., [90,000 mph / 144,840 kph]).

As in the post covering Ley’s article, the most notable passages of the text are italicized and in red, like these last twelve words in this sentence.  The post concludes with links to a variety of excellent videos covering spacecraft-versus-spacecraft battles, and “space war”, in greater detail, in light of (quite obviously!) contemporary knowledge.   

__________

You can read the Wikipedia article about Malcolm Jameson here, while the Internet Speculative Fiction Database compilation of his writing can be found here

Jameson’s memorial tribute (I guess penned by John W. Campbell, Jr.?) from the July 1945 issue of Astounding, follows:

MALCOLM JAMESON
December 21, 1891 – April 16, 1945

Malcolm Jameson, a man possessed of more shear courage than most of us will ever understand, died April 16, 1945, after an eight-year writing career, initiated when cancer of the throat forced him to give up the more active life he wanted.  Any author can tell you that you can’t write good stuff when you’re feeling sick.  Jamie never quite understood that – perhaps because he began when he did.  X-ray and radium treatment controlled the cancer for a time, but only at a price of permanent severely bad health.

He sold his first story to Astounding in 1938.  [“Eviction by Isotherm“, August, 1938.]  That was followed by such memorable and sparklingly light stories as “Admiral’s Inspection,” the whole Commander Bullard series, and his many other stories in UNKNOWN WORLDS.

The man who could accomplish that under the conditions imposed on him was not of ordinary mold.

The Commander Bullard series grew out of Jameson’s own experiences as a Lieutenant in the United States Navy from 1916 till his retirement in 1927.  He had much to do with the development of modern naval ordnance; his work is fighting in this war, though he himself was not permitted to do so.

He is survived by his wife, his daughter, Corporal Vida Jameson, of the WAC, his son, Major Malcolm Jameson, in the Infantry and now overseas, and his brother, House Jameson, better known as “Mr. Aldrich” of the “Aldrich Family” program.

The Editor.

____________________

You’ll notice that Hubert Rogers’ iconic depiction of a space fleet control center (for E.E. Smith’s “Gray Lensman”) as the cover of the November, 1939 issue of Astounding, appears below.  Further down in the post are two interior illustrations – from the November, 1941, and February, 1948 issues of Astounding, in which Rogers created views of the same scene for Smith’s “Second Stage Lensman” and “Children of the Lens”, respectively.  (The image of the control center in the 1948 issue was scanned from an original copy, and photoshopifically “niced up” to bring out the details, for this post.)  You can view other images of this nature, and more, at my brother blog, WordsEnvisioned.       

____________________

And so, on to Malcolm Jameson’s “Space War Tactics” from the month of November, in the year 1939…

SPACE WAR TACTICS

Expanding on Willy Ley’s recent article, Jameson brings out some important details – not the least of which is that a space battle fleet gets one shot at the enemy in months of maneuvering!

By Malcolm Jameson

Illustrated by Malcolm Jameson

Astounding Science Fiction
November, 1939

I.

Ship to Ship Engagement

A working knowledge of the game of chess is a useful adjunct in understanding the art of war.  War is not a series of haphazard encounters hut a definite understanding governed by principles that never change, however much the weapons and uniforms and the colors of the flags may.  Like chess it is a continuing struggle between two opponents, each trying to estimate the strength of the other and to divine his purposes and most probable objective, and what his next move will be.  It is a marauding and movement of forces, a series of threats and feints, of advances and withdrawals, punctuated by sharp conflict as one or the other forces the issue.

As the rules of chess govern the movement of each piece, so does the field of operations in war, whether it is rocky terrain or swampy, the open sea or the cloud-streaked skies, or the vast reaches of space itself.  Tactics, and in a measure the weapons, are rigidly determined by the controlling environment.

We can, therefore predict with some assurance the general nature of space warfare, for we already know something of the properties of the void and what characteristics ships that traverse it arc likely to have.  With such ships and in such a theater of operations, we have only to apply the principles of warfare developed by men through centuries of strife to arrive at an approximation of the tactics they will use.  We can be fairly certain of the kind of weapons and instruments they will have, for the very advent of spaceships is presumptive of continued advance in science along much the same lines we have already come.

There are two great factors in space warfare that will set it off sharply from anything else in human experience, and those two factors will modify fighting-ship types, strategy and tactics profoundly. They are: (a) the extent of space, and (b) the tremendous speed of the vessels.

At the risk of boring those who have already read and thought a good deal about travel in space and who feel that they long ago formed a satisfactory idea of what the limitless reaches of the void are like, I want to dwell a moment on the subject of the vastness of space.  It deserves all the emphasis we can give it.

Psychologists assert that it is beyond the capacity of the human mind to conceive of quantities, extents or durations beyond rather close limits.  We may nod understandingly at hearing mention of a billion-dollar appropriation, but we grasp the idea solely because we are thinking of those billion dollars as a unit sum of money.  If we tried to visualize them as coins we would fail utterly.  The mind cannot picture ten hundred thousands of thousands of silver disks.  “Many” is the best it can do – there are too many dollars there for one mindful.  And so it is with distance.

It has been my good fortune to have traveled extensively; I have crossed oceans as navigator, stepping off the miles made good each day or watching them slide by under the counter.  Thus I have a hazy notion of the size of the Earth – it is oppressively huge.  What, then, of the two or three million-mile straightaway covered in a single day’s run of a rocket-ship – represented by a quarter-inch pencil mark on the astragator’s chart of the ecliptic?  The Earth he left but yesterday had already dwindled to a small bright disk and before the week is over it will be seen only as a brilliant blue star.  In that incredibly vast celestial sphere in which lie is floating – stretching as it does without limit before, behind and to every side, above and below – where and how can we hope to find his enemy?

For even if he passed another ship close aboard, he would not so much as glimpse it.  Speeds in space are as stupendous as the spaces they traverse.  Needing seven miles per second to escape the Earth and another twenty to make any reasonable progress between the planets, even the slowest vessels will have speeds of twenty-five miles per second [90,000 mph / 144,840 kph].  Warships. presumably. according to type, will have correspondingly higher speeds – perhaps as high as fifty miles per second [180,000 mph / 289,682 kph … or, 0.000268 c] for the faster scouts.

Speeds of that order are as baffling to the imagination as the depths of the void.  When we recall that the fastest thing most of us are familiar with is the rifle bullet, whizzing along at a lazy half-mile per second [1,800 mph / 2,897 kph], we see that we do have a yardstick.  The ships mentioned above proceed at from fifty to one hundred times that fast – invisible, except under very special circumstances.  It is barely possible, we know, for a quick eye to pick up twelve-inch shells in flight if he knows just where, when and how to look, but a momentary glimpse is all he gets.

When we talk of gunfire or any other means of offense, we have to bear these dizzy speeds firmly in mind.  The conclusion is irresistible that scouting, tracking, range finding and relative bearings will all be observed otherwise than visually.  Even on the assumption of attack from the quarter, the most obvious approach – and for the same reason that aviators “get on the tail” – the overtaking vessel must necessarily have such an excess of speed that the visual contact can last but a few seconds.  Each of the combatants must compute the other’s course from blind bearings and ranges and lay their guns or point their torpedo tubes by means of a differentia calculator.

However, in this blind tracking there is one peculiarity of these ships that while it is in one sense a source of danger to them, is of distinct assistance.  In the fleeting minutes of their contact, neither can appreciably alter course or speed!  This is a point that writers of fiction frequently ignore for the sake of vivid action, but nevertheless it is an unavoidable characteristic of the [e]ther-borne [?!] ship.

The human body can withstand only so much acceleration and the momentum these vessels carry has been built up, hour after hour, by piling increment of speed on top of what had been attained before.  In space there is no resistance.  Once the rockets are cut, the ship will soar on forever at whatever velocity she had at the moment of cutting.  Her master may flip her end over end and reverse his acceleration, but his slowing will be as tedious and cautious as his working up to speed.  Jets flung out at right angles merely add another slight component to the velocity, checking nothing.

Rocket experts have stated that an acceleration of one hundred feet per second per second can be withstood by a human being – perhaps one hundred and fifty in an emergency.  The master of a vessel proceeding at forty miles per second [144,000 mph / 231,745 kph] applying such an acceleration at right angles would succeed in deflecting his flight about one hundred miles by the end of the first minute, during which he will have run twenty-four hundred – a negligible turn, if under fire.  Applied as a direct brake, that hundred miles of decreased velocity would slow him by one twenty-fourth – obviously not worth the doing if the emergency is imminent.

With these conditions in mind, let us imagine a light cruiser of the future bowling along at forty miles per second on the trail of an enemy.  The enemy is also a cruiser, one that has slipped through our screen and is approaching the earth for a fast raid on our cities.  He is already decelerating for his prospective descent and is thought to be about one hundred and fifty thousand miles ahead, proceeding at about thirty-five miles per second [126,000 mph / 202,777 kph].  Our cruiser is closing on him from a little on his port quarter, and trying to pick him up with its direction finders.

So far we have not “seen” him.  We only know from enciphered code messages received several days ago from our scouting force, now fifty millions astern of us, that he is up ahead.  It would take too long here to explain how the scouts secured the information they sent us.  The huge system of expanding spirals along which successive patrols searched the half billion cubic miles of dangerous space lying between us and the enemy planet is much too intricate for brief description.  It is sufficient for our purposes that the scouts did detect the passage of the hostile cruiser through their web and that they kept their instruments trained on him long enough to identify his trajectory.  Being neither in a position to attack advantageously nor well enough armed – for their function is the securing of information, and that only – they passed the enemy’s coordinates along to us.  This information is vital to us, for without it the probability of contact in the void is so remote as to be nonexistent.

The ship in which we are rushing to battle is not a large one.  She is a bare hundred meters [328 feet] in length, but highly powered.  Her multiple rocket tubes, now cold and dead, are grouped in the stern.  We have no desire for more speed, having all that is manageable already, for after the few seconds of our coming brush with the enemy our velocity is such that we will far overrun him and his destination as well.  It will require days of maximum deceleration for us to check our flight and be in a position to return to base.

Our ship’s armament, judged by today’s standards, will at first sight appear strangely inadequate.  Our most destructive weapon is the “mine,” a simple sphere of meteoric iron about the size of a billiard ball, containing no explosive and not fused.  The effectiveness of such mines depends upon the speed with which they are struck by the target ship – no explosive could add much to the damage done by a small lump of iron striking at upward of thirty miles a second.  Then there will he torpedo tubes amidships, and perhaps a few guns, but it may lie well to postpone a discussion of the armament until we have examined the conditions at the place of battle.

Although we know in a general way where the enemy is and where he is going, before we close with him we must determine his course and speed very accurately, for our ability to hit him at all is going to depend upon extremely nice calculations.  Our speeds are such that angular errors of so much as a second of arc will be fatal, and times must be computed to within hundredths of seconds.

This falls within the province of fire-control, a subject seldom if ever mentioned by fiction writers.  There is no blame to be attached to them for that, for the problems of fire-control are essentially those of pure mathematics, and mathematics is notoriously unthrilling to the majority of readers.  Yet hitting with guns – or even arrows, though the archer solves his difficulties by intuition – requires the solution of intricate problems involving the future positions and movements of at least two bodies, and nothing more elementary than the differential calculus will do the trick.  In these problems interior ballistics, for all its interesting physics, boils down to a single figure – the initial velocity of the projectile, while exterior ballistics evaporates for the most part the moment we propel our missile into a gravityless vacuum.  In space we are to be concerned with the swiftly changing relationship of two rapidly moving vessels and the interchange of equally swift projectiles between them, the tracks of all of them being complicated curves and not necessarily lying in a plane.

In its simplest statement the problem of long-range gunnery is this: where will the enemy be when my salvo gets there?  For we must remember that even in today’s battles the time the projectile spends en-route to its target is appreciable – fully a minute on occasion, at sea, during which the warship fired upon may move as much as half a mile.  Under such circumstances the gunner does not fire directly at his target, but at the place it is going to be.  That requires very accurate knowledge of where the enemy is headed and how fast he is moving.

At sea that is done by observing successive bearings and ranges and plotting them as polar coordinates, bearing in mind that the origin is continuously shifting due to the ship’s own motion.  This work of tracking – the subsequent range-keeping and prediction of future ranges and bearings – is done in our times in the plotting room.  This is the most vital spot in the ship, for if her weapons may be likened to fists and her motive power to legs, her optical and acoustical instruments to eyes and ears, then the plotting room is the counterpart of the brain.  There all the information is received, corrected, digested, and distributed throughout the ship.  Without that co-ordination and direction the ship would be as helpless as an idiot.

Well, hardly that helpless today.  Our individual units, such as turret crews, can struggle on alone, after a fashion.  But not so with the ship of the future.  There the plotting room is everything, and when it is put out of commission, the ship is blind and paralyzed.  It will, of course, be located within the center of the ship, surrounded by an armored shell of its own, and in there will also be the ship control stations.

The best way to approach the problems our descendants will have to face is to consider a simple problem in tracking that our own warships deal with daily.  It is an absurdly simple one compared to the warped spirals to be handled in space warfare, but it will serve to illustrate the principle.  In Fig. 1. it is shown graphically, but in actual practice the elements of the problem are set up on a motor-driven machine which thereupon continuously and correctly delivers the solutions of problems that would take an Einstein minutes to state.  As the situation outside changes, corrections are cranked into the machine, which instantly and uncomplainingly alters its calculations.

In the figure we have the tracks of two ships, ours the left-hand one.  For the sake of clarity and emphasis I have made the ratio of speeds three to one, but the same trends would be shown at the more usual ratio of, say, 20:19

At positions “1,” “2,” “3” and so on, we observe the range and hearing of the target, and plot them.  By noting the differences between successive readings and the second differences between those, we soon have an idea of the type of curve the rates of changes would plot into.  In a short time we can also note that the rates themselves are changing at a certain rate.  This is a rough sort of differentiation – by inspection – and to one familiar with such curves these trends have a definite meaning.

For example, it is apparent that the series of observed angles “Beta” are steadily opening, signifying that we are drawing past the target.  Any sudden alteration of the second differences, such as occurs at “8,” at once indicates a change of condition on the part of the enemy.  He has either turned sharply away or slowed to half speed, for the bearing suddenly opens nearly two degrees more than the predicted beating.  We learn which by consulting our ranges.  It could be a combination of changed course and changed speed.

The ranges during the first seven lime-intervals have been steadily decreasing, although the rate of decrease has been slowing up, indicating we are approaching the minimum range.  At “8,” though, the range not only fails to decrease, but the rate of change actually changes sign.  We know without doubt that the enemy has turned away.

The importance of having the machine grind out predicted bearings and ranges, aside from the desirability of speed and accuracy, is that at any moment smoke, a rain squall, or intervening ships may obscure the target.  In that event the gunners need never know the difference – their range and bearing indicators arc ticking away like taximeters, fed figures by the controlling range-keeper.  It would not have mattered if sight had been lost of the enemy at “4”; the gun- fire would have been just as accurate up to the time he changed course as if they had the target in plain sight, t

As a matter of fact, the guns are not pointed at the target at all, but in advance of it, as is shown in Fig. 1 (a), both range and bearing being altered to allow for the forward movements of the target while the shells are in the air.  The projectiles may be regarded as moving objects bandied on a “collision course” with regard to the enemy vessel.

Speaking of collision courses, it is an interesting property of relative bearings that when the bearing remains constant – except in the special case of the vessels being on parallel courses at identical speeds – the vessels will eventually collide, regardless of what their actual courses and speeds are.  Hence, from the time the shots of the salvo left their guns – Fig. 1 (a) – until they struck their target, the target bore a constant angle of thirteen degrees to the right of the nose of the shells.  (This knowledge has some utility in estimating the penetration of armor at the destination.)

In the example above, all the movement can be regarded as taking place in a plane; the ships follow straight courses and they maintain constant speeds.  Our terrestrial problems are in practice much complicated by zigzagging, slowing down and speeding up, but at that they are relatively child’s play compared to what the sky-warrior of the future must contend with.

His tracks are likely to be curved in three dimensions, like pieces of wire hacked out of a spiral bed spring, and whether or not they can be plotted in a plane, they will nowhere be straight.  Moreover, whatever changes of speeds occur will be in the form of steady accelerations and not in a succession of flat steps linked by brief accelerations such as we know.  Computing collision courses between two continually accelerating bodies is a much trickier piece of mathematical legerdemain than finding the unknown quantities in the family of plane trapeziums shown in Fig. I.  Yet projectiles must be given the course and speed necessary to insure collision.

The gunnery officer of the future is further handicapped by rarely ever being permitted a glimpse of his target, certainly not for the purpose of taking ranges and bearings.  In the beginning of the approach the distances between the ships is much too great, and by the time they have closed, their relative speed will generally forbid vision.

Since optical instruments are useless except for astrogational purposes, his rangefinders and target-bearing transmitters will have to be something else.  For bearings, his most accurate instrument will probably be the thermoscope – an improved heat-detector similar to those used by astronomers in comparing the heat emission of distant stars.  It will have a spherical mounting with a delicate micro-vernier.  A nearby spaceship is sure to radiate heat, for it is exposed constantly to full sunlight and must rid itself of the excess heat or its crew will die.  Once such a source of heat is picked up and identified, it can be followed very closely as to direction, although little can be told of its distance unless something is known of its intrinsic heat radiation.

Ranges will probably be determined by sounding space with radio waves, measuring the time interval to the return of reflected waves.  It is doubtful whether this means will have a high degree of accuracy much beyond ranges of one light-second on account of the movement of the two vessels while the wave is in transit both ways.  At long range the need for troublesome corrections is sure to enter.

Such observations, used in conjunction with one another, should give fairly accurate information as to the target’s trajectory and how he bears from us and how far he is away.  This data will be fed into a tracking and range-keeping machine capable of handling the twisted three-dimensional curves involved, and which will at once indicate the time and distance of the closest point of approach.  Both captains will at once begin planning the action.  They may also attempt to adjust their courses slightly, but since the rockets evolve great heat, neither can hope to keep his action from the knowledge of the other owing to the sensitiveness of the thermoscopes.

The rangekeeping instrument suggested, while far surpassing in complexity anything we know of today, will represent a much smaller technical advance than the rockets which drive the ships that house them.  We already have similar machines, so that their counterparts of the future would seem much less mysterious to us than, say, the Walschaert’s valve gear to Hero or Archimedes, or the Jacquard loom to the weavers of the Gobelin tapestries.

Assuming we have, by observation and plotting, full knowledge of the enemy’s path and have come almost into position to commence the engagement, we find ourselves confronted once more with the two overwhelming factors of space warfare – great distance and immense speeds – but this time in another aspect.  We have come up close to our foe – in fact we are within twenty seconds of intersecting his trajectory – and our distance apart is a mere four hundred miles [643 km].  It is when we get to close quarters that the tremendous problems raised by these lightning-like speeds manifest themselves most vividly.

Look at Fig. 2.

The elapsed time from the commencement of the engagement until the end is less than twenty seconds.  Our ship is making forty miles per second, the other fellow is doing thirty-three.  We will never be closer than fifty miles, even if we regard the curves as drawn as being in the same plane.  If one rides over or below the other, that minimum range will be greater.  What kind of projectile can cross the two or three hundred miles separating the two converging vessels in time to collide with the enemy?  Shooting cannon with velocities as low as a few miles per second would be like sending a squadron of snails out from the curb to intercept an oncoming motorcycle – it would be out of sight in the distance before they were well started.

Projectiles from guns, if they were to be given velocities in the same relation to ships’ speeds that prevail at present, would have to be stepped up to speeds of three to four thousand miles per second!  A manifest impossibility.  It would be difficult, indeed, to hurl any sort of projectile away from the ship at greater initial velocities than the ship’s own speed.  Such impulses, eighty times stronger than the propelling charge of today’s cannon, would cause shocks of incredible violence.  It follows from that that an overtaken ship is comparatively helpless – unless she is in a position to drop mines – for whatever missiles she fires have the forward inertia of the parent ship and will therefore be sluggish in their movement in any direction but ahead.

Another difficulty connected with gunfire is the slowness with which it comes into operation.  This may seem to some to be a startling statement, but we are dealing here with astonishing speeds.  When the firing key of a piece of modern artillery is closed, the gun promptly goes off with a bang.  To us that seems to be a practically instantaneous action.  Yet careful time studies show the following sequence of events: the primer fires, the powder is ignited and burns, the gases of combustion expand and start the shell moving down the tube.  The elapsed time from the “will to fire” to the emergence of the projectile from the muzzle is about one tenth of a second.  In Fig. 2 our target will have moved more than three miles while our shell is making its way to the mouth of the cannon!  It looks as if guns wouldn’t do.

I come to that conclusion very reluctantly, for I am quite partial to guns as amazingly flexible and reliable weapons, but when we consider that both powders and primers vary somewhat in their time of burning, there is also a variable error of serious proportions added to the above slowness.  It is more likely that the rocket-torpedoes suggested by Mr. Willy Ley in a recent article on space war will be the primary weapon of the future.  They have the advantage of auto-acceleration and can therefore build up speed to any desired value after having been launched.

The exact moment of their firing would have to be computed by the tracking machine, as no human brain could solve such a problem in the time allowed.  But even assuming machine accuracy, great delicacy in tube-laying and micro-timing, the chances of a direct hit cm the target with a single missile is virtually nil.  For all their advanced instruments, it is probable that all such attacks will be made in salvos, or continuous barrages, following the time-honored shotgun principle.  For the sake of simplicity, only two such salvos are shown on the diagram, but probably they would be as nearly continuous as the firing mechanisms of the tubes would permit.  Any reader with a flair for mathematics is invited to compute the trajectories of the torpedoes.  The ones shown were fired dead abeam in order to gain distance toward the enemy as rapidly as possible.

It is desirable that these torpedoes should vanish as soon as practicable after having overrun their target.  To that end their cases are made of thin magnesium, and between the head and the fuel compartment is a space filled with compressed oxygen and a small bursting charge The tip of the head is loaded with liquid mercury.  Such a massive projectile would penetrate any spaceship with ease, but if it missed it would burst as soon as the fuel supply was spent and then consume itself in brilliant flame, thus avoiding littering the Spaceways with dangerous fragments.

Spotting, as we know it, would be impossible, for the target would be invisible.  Hits would have to be registered by the thermoscope, utilizing the heat generated by the impact.  The gunnery officer could watch the flight of his torpedoes by their fiery wakes, and see his duds burst; that might give him an idea on which side of the enemy they passed in the event the thermoscopes registered no hits.

If there were guns – and they might be carried for stratosphere use – they could be brought into action at about “15,” firing broad on the starboard quarter.  The shells, also of self-destroying magnesium, would lose some of their forward velocity and drift along in the wake of the ship while at the same time making some distance toward the oncoming enemy.  These guns would be mounted in twin turrets, one on the roof and the other on the keel, cross-connected so that they would be trained and fired together.  It the ships center of gravity lay exactly between them, their being fired would not tend to put the ship into a spin in any direction.  What little torque there might be, due to inequalities in the firing charge, would be taken care of by the ship’s gyro stabilizer, an instrument also needed on board to furnish a sphere of reference so that the master could keep track of his orientation. 

If upon arriving at point “16” the enemy were still full of fight and desperate measures were called for, we could lay down mines.  These hard little pellets would be shot out of mine-laying tubes clustered about the main driving jets.  They would be shot out at slight angles from the fore-and-aft line, and given a velocity exactly equal to the ship’s speed, so that they would hang motionless where they were dropped.  Being cheap and small, they could be laid so thickly that the enemy could not fail to encounter several of them.  If she had survived up to this point, the end would come here.

The end, that is, of the cruiser as a fighting unit.  Riddled and torn, perhaps a shapeless mass of tangled wreckage, she would go hurtling on by, forever bound to her marauding trajectory.  The first duty of our cruiser would be to broadcast warnings to the System, reporting the location of its own mine-field, and giving the direction taken by the shattered derelict.  Sweepers would be summoned to collect the mines with powerful electromagnets, while tugs would pursue and clear the sky of the remnants of the defeated Martian.

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Illustration by Hubert Rogers, for “Second Stage Lensman – Part I“, by Edward E. Smith, PhD., from Astounding Science Fiction, November, 1941, page 35.  (Cover also by Rogers.)

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Illustration by Hubert Rogers, for “Children of the Lens – Conclusion“, by Edward E. Smith, PhD., from Astounding Science Fiction, February, 1948, page 122.  (Cover by Alejandro Canedo)

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— References and Related Readings —

Malcolm R. Jameson, at Wikipedia

Malcolm R. Jameson, at International Science Fiction Database

Hubert Rogers, at SciFiGuy

Hubert Rogers, at International Science Fiction Database

Space War, at Atomic Rockets

Vacation in the Golden Age of Science Fiction, by Jamie Todd Rubin

Warfare in Science Fiction, at Technovology

Weapons in Science Fiction, at Technovology

— Here’s a book —

Wysocki, Edward M., Jr., An ASTOUNDING War: Science Fiction and World War II, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, April 16, 2015

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Rocinante Attack on Thoth Station (Episode “Doors & Corners”) “The Expanse”, Season 2, Episode 2 (Air Date 2/1/17), at DailyMotion

List of “The Expanse” Episodes, at Wikipedia